GENDER DIMENSION OF ETHNIC IDENTITIES AND CONFLICTS IN KENYA:
THE CASE OF BUKUSU AND SABAOT COMMUNITIES
GEOFFREYSON KHAMALA
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL
SCIENCES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE OF KENYATTA
TTNTVERSITY
Kharnala, Geoffreyson
Gender dimension of
ethnic identities
il I lill I III
201J/JS76J8
OCTOBER 2009
KENYATTA UNIVERSITY LIBRAR'1
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11
DECLARATION
This thesis is my original work and has not been presented for a degree in any
other university
Sign---A.::;=-r-t------I---v- Date-----+-~----
NAME: GEOFFREYSON KHAMALA, BA /
C50/6076/03
This thesis has been submitted for examination with our approval as the
university supervisors
Sign__ /JP _
PROF. ERIC MASINDE ASEKA
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY, ARCHEOLOGY AND POLmCAL STUDIES
Sign ~
DR. HASS A. JAMA
Date J{jIO /.2Pf
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY, ARCHEOLOGY AND POLmCAL STUDIES
11l
DEDICATION
Dedicated to my daughter Patience.
IV
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am grateful to many people who have in one way or the other rendered their invaluable
support to enable me to complete this thesis. First, I wish to thank Kenyatta University for
allowing me to take the course, use university facilities and thesis supervision.
Next, the Department of History, Archeology and Political Studies and the School of
Humanities and Social Sciences (SHSS) deserve acknowledgement for allowing me to
conduct this research. Looking back at the two seminars at the departmental and school level
respectively, I sometimes feel it was a rare test of fortitude. I must admit that were it not for
the intellectual rigour, invaluable advice and attention to detail that formed part of the
discussions and debates in the two seminars I would not have come this far.
My university supervisors, Prof. Eric Masinde Aseka and Dr. Hassan Jama have given me
profound support, guidance and encouragement without which this work would not have
been in the shape in which it is. Their commitment and timeless sacrifice to read, edit,
critique and provide fresh stimulating and provoking suggestions went a long way to shape
my thesis.
I am grateful to the former chairperson of the Department of History, Archeology and
Political Studies, Dr. Mildred Ndeda, Dr. Pius Kakai and the current chair, Dr. Lazarus
Ngari, for using their good offices to smoothen my training at Kenyatta University.
I am also grateful to Dr. Godwin Murunga, Dr. Lazarus Ngari, Dr. Peter Wekesa, and Dr.
Regina Karega who made important suggestions that helped shape this thesis. Mr. A.D.
Bojana deserves special gratitude for proofreading the final work.
vIn the course of my training, I have worked closely with a number of teaching and non-
teaching staff who have been supportive in several ways. Mention is made of Prof. Gabriel
Jal (deceased), Prof. Henry Mwanzi, Dr.Mildred Ndeda, Mrs. Musalia, Dr. Omwoyo, Mr.
Washington Ndiri, Dr. Ngari, Mr. J.S. Nabende, Dr. Godwin Rapando Murunga, Dr. Edwin
Gimode, Mr. Okello, Mr. Peter Lemoosa, Mr. Joel Imbisi, Dr. Felix Kiruthu, Mr. Pius
Cokumu, Mis Susan Mwangi, and Dr. Orwenyo. Mention is also made of non-teaching staff,
namely, Jane Amon, Carolyne Runyenje and Lisper Gesimba.
I also acknowledge the staff at Moi Library, Jomo Kenyatta Memorial Library, Kenya
National Library Services-Nairobi, the British Council Library, the IFRA library, the World
Bank Library and the Kenya National Archives for making available to me the source
materials that I desperately needed.
I am grateful to the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa
(CODESRIA) for awarding me a research grant that enabled me to purchase the relevant
books and facilitated my upkeep while undertaking the research. Similarly, I thank the
Institute for Research and Development (IRD-France) for sponsoring my fieldwork and for
providing me with an opportunity to interact and carry out fieldwork with my colleagues
from Kenya and France, namely, Sonia Ghezali (University of Paris), Luu van Dong Julien
(University of Picardie), Robin Toskin, (Kenyatta University) and Sarah Besnainou
(University of Picardie). I sincerely acknowledge the invaluable support and understanding
accorded to me by the KU IRD resident rep., Dr. Claire Medard in terms of finance, reading
material support and seminar attendance.
VI
I wish also to register my appreciation to my colleagues and friends who came in handy and
acted as pillars of support while facing the challenges of academic life. They include Mr.
Eliud Lubanda, Mr. Phillip Chemelil, Mr. Gordon Onyango, Mr. Arthur Njagi Munene, Mr.
Nixon Mwangi, Mr. Isaiah Oduor, and Ms Martha Muraya.
I heartily acknowledge the material and moral assistance that I received from my loving aunt
Kezia Kakai (USA) and my dear cousin Bilhah. Without their generosity, I might possibly
have been stuck along the way.
Finally, I heartily thank my mother Grace Nasimiyu who single-handedly gave me
education.
VB
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page i
Declaration .ii
Dedication .iii
Acknowledgements .iv
Table of Contents vii
List of Tables x
Definition of Concepts xi
List of Abbreviations xiv
Abstract xv
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study .l
1.2 Statement of the Problem 3
1.3 Study Objectives 4
1.4 Research Premises 5
1.5 Justification and Significance of the Study 6
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.l Review of Related Literature 8
2.2 Theoretical Framework 33
CHAPTERTHREE:METHODOLOGY
3.1 Research Design ; .r••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 45
3.2 Description of the Study Area .45
3.3 Scope and Limitation of the Study 46
Vlll
3.4 Sampling Strategies and Procedure .47
3.5 Research Instruments 50
3.6 Data Collection 51
3.7 Data Processing, Analysis and Interpretation 52
3.8 Problems Encountered 53
CHAPTER FOUR: THE CONSTRUCTION OF ETHNIC IDENTITIES AMONG
THEBUKUSUANDSABAOT
4.1 Introduction 54
4.2 Respondent's Profile 54
4.3 Gender in the Construction of Bukusu and Sabaot Identities 56
4.4 Gender Structured Power Units among the Sabaot and the Bukusu 58
4.5 Conclusion 68
CHAPTER FIVE: THE ROLE OF GENDER-SPECIFIC SYMBOLS, MYTHS AND
RITUALS IN REINFORCING CONSTRUCTED ETHNIC IDENTITIES
5.1 Introduction 70
5.2 Symbols, Myths and Rituals among the Bukusu and the Sabaot 71
5.3 Conclusion 85
CHAPTER SIX: THE INTERPLAY OF GENDER AND ETHNICITY IN THE
BUKUSU-SABAOT CONFLICTS
6.1 Introduction 86
6.2 Political-Economic Representation of Gender Specific Ethnic Identities among the
Bukusu and Sabaot. 87
6.3 Gender in the Bukusu-Sabaot Ethnic Conflicts 101
IX
6.4 Gender and Conflict Resolution among the Bukusu and the Sabaot. 108
6.5 Conclusion 110
CHAPTER SEVEN: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
7.1 Introduction 112
7.2 Summary and Conclusions 112
7.3 Conclusion 116
7.4 Recommendations Emanating from the Study 116
7.5 Areas for Further Research 117
REFERENCES 119
APPENDICES .........................................•.••••.•....................................... 130
APPENDIX 1- MAPS 130
APPENDIX II: INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR THE RESPONDENTS 131
APPENDIX II: LIST AND DETAILS OF RESPONDENTS 138
KENYAn UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
xLIST OF TABLES
Table 3.1: Sample of Respondents .47
Table 4.1: Gender by Ethnic Group Respondents Presentation 55
Table 4.2: Occupation by Level of Education Presentation 55
Table 4.3: Age Characteristics of the Respondents 56
Table 5.1: Familiarity with Language 73
Table 5.2: If Respondent Objects to Bukusu-Sabaot Intermarriage 84
Table 5.3: Is Bukusu-Sabaot Intermarriage Prevalent 84
Table 6.1 : Existence of Ethnic Discrimination across Symbolic Boundaries 93
Table 6.2: If Respondent was Born at place of Current Residence 93
Table 6.3: Age of Entry if not Born Here 93
Table 6.4: Entry in terms of Ethnic Groups 94
Table 6.5: Entry in terms of Gender 95
Table 6.6: If Respondent has experienced Problems in Leasing or Purchasing Land 95
Table 6.7: Causes of Ethnic Conflicts among the Bukusu and the Sabaot 98
Table 6.8: Who Best Represents Your Ethnic Group in terms of Gender 101
Table 6.9: Women playa Role Ethnic Conflicts .104
Table 6.10: What happens to Women in Conflicts? .107
Table 6.11: Respondents Envision a Post Ethnic Society 109
Xl
DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS
BayobolBiyobo - Is a Bukusu pejorative reference to the Sabaot implying people who spoke
a language that could not be understood by Bukusu.
Barwa - The term implies that the Sabaot are strangers and opponents to the Bukusu.
Clan - A group of related families that are actually or assumed to descend from one
common distant ancestor.
Culture - The term is broadly understood to include: (1) ways of life, (2) traditions and
beliefs, (3) representations of health and disease, (4) perceptions of life and death, (5) sexual
norms and practices, (6) power and gender relations, (7) family structures, (8) languages and
means of communication and (9) arts and creativity and material culture.
Elder - Either a man or woman whose age is around 50 years and above.
Ethnic Conflicts - Refers to violent or otherwise encounter among and/or between two or
more racial, language, or religious groups.
Ethnic Group - A term referring to primordial affinities based on real or imagined common
origins, physical resemblances, shared language and common religion (Mamdani, 2003).
Ethnicity - Depicts the behaviors and feelings that emerge from membership in an ethnic
group (Hizkias, 1996). Ethnicity can be determined by a group's or an individual's
perception of family ancestry, language, nationality, culture, race, religion, customs, or a
combination of these characteristics.
Femininity - A set of social practices and cultural representations associated with being a
woman
XlI
Gender - Gender refers to roles attributed to men and women through socialization and the
relationship that exists between them. While one's sex is biologically determined, one's sexual
identityis culturally constructed.
Gender roles - Relate to behavior and attitudes conventionally associated with males and
females in any society
Gender Segregation - Occurs when women and men are .located separately from one
another.
Identity - Refers to the ways we demarcate and differentiate people. The term also refers to
the sense of belonging to this or that category or group.
Identity Politics - Refers to political arguments that focus on the interests and perspectives
of social minorities or marginalized classes of people defined in terms of race, ethnicity,
religion, gender, or sexual orientation.
Kinship - A system for reckoning kin relations.
Lemek - Is a Sabaot pejorative reference to the Bukusu implying that they are aliens, 'poor'
people and opponents by the Sabaot.
Lineage - A corporate group whose members can demonstrate descent from a supposed
common ancestor.
Masculinity - A set of social practices and cultural representations associated with being a
man
Matriclan - A member of one's mother's clan.
Myths - Stories that, while they mayor may not be strictly factual, may reveal fundamental
truths and insights about human nature, often through the use of archetypes.
Xlll
Patriarchy - Denotes the rulership of the male head of the social unit including but not
limited to the family, clan, and tribe, among others. Since the early twentieth century,
feminists have used the concept to refer to the social system of male-centered domination,
power and authority over women and children, a situation preserved through marriage and
the family through the sexual division of labour and society
Patrician - A member of one's father's clan.
Peace - The absence of violence (war).
Prejudice - Negative feelings, stereotypes and tendencies to discriminate on gender, racial,
ethnic or other characteristics.
Ritual - A ritual is a symbolic practice that is performed many times in an established
manner to enhance certain values in a community. The term also refers to rites of transition.
Seniority - Refers to chronological age difference based on birth order (Bakare- Yusuf,
2004:63)
"Siyanja Barende" - Bukusu for those who love and assimilate strangers (Kakai, 2000)
Subaltern -Taken from Antonio Gramsci to signify those who are lowly ranked in the
political, economic and social strata as opposed to those who command.
Symbol - A person, place, or thing that comes to represent an abstract idea, concept,
material object, quantity; it is anything that stands for something beyond itself.
Territory - Boundaries that more or less delineate one community from another
The family - A residential or otherwise kin group composed of at least a woman, her
dependent children and (sometimes with at least one adult male joined through marriage).
Tribe - A group of people who trace a blood relation or common ancestry in the distant
past.
XIV
LIST OF ABREVIATIONS
CBOs - Community-Based Organizations
D.O. - District Officer
DC - District Commissioner
FGDs - Focus Group Discussions
FGM - Female Genital Mutilation
FORD - Forum for the Restoration of Democracy
JKML - Jomo Kenyatta Memorial Library
KADU- Kenya African Democratic Union
KANU - Kenya African National Union
MA - Master of Arts
Mt.-Mount
NGOs - Non-Governmental Organizations
0.1. - Oral Interview
ROP - Republic of Kenya
Sing. - Singular
SHSS -School of Humanities and Social Sciences
SPSS - Statistical Package for Social Sciences
xv
ABSTRACT
Previous studies on ethnic identities and conflicts have not adequately considered the place
of gender in the social stratification of the Bukusu and Sabaot communities and its impact
on amity and reciprocated existence. Therefore, this thesis examines how the interaction
between gender and ethnicity contribute to the construction of ethnic identities and ethnic
conflicts, principally how ethnic identities are constructed; reinforced in symbols, myths and
rituals; and the interplay of gender and constructed ethnic identities become evident in the
struggle for power, resources and ultimately ethnic conflicts between the Bukusu and Sabaot
communities. To achieve this objective, the researcher undertook oral interviews and
Focused Group Discussions (FGDS) in two divisions, Chwele Division (Bungoma District)
and Kopsiro Division (Mt Elgon District). Materials were also sourced from secondary
literature besides observations made during the field research. Overall, the study utilized
Gayatri Chakrovarty Spivak's subaltern theory. The findings revealed that respondents trace
their ethnic identity through men, either the husband or the father, and as such, women do
not bestow ethnic identity. Therefore, the construction of ethnic identities is based on the
unequal relationships between men and women, and mobilizes men and women to subtly
rally against each other. For that reason, identity construction breeds struggles within and
between constructed ethnic identities with men projecting the strength of the group through
ethnic conflicts. The study further established that constructed ethnic identities are often
reinforced through symbols, myths and rituals with noticeable differences being used for
purposes of discrimination and stereotypes that in part contribute to tension between
identities (intra and inter-ethnic conflicts). Finally, it is evident from the research findings
that among the Bukusu and Sabaot communities political power, property ownership,
property acquisition, economic roles and external relations with other ethnic identities
remain the preserve of men fuelling competition within families, between families, lineages,
clans and ethnic groups. With regard to peace building, the exclusion of the female gender is
evident in the Bukusul Sabaot peace process initiatives. Based on the foregoing findings, a
number of recommendations have been made to help peace-building efforts among the
Bukusu and the Sabaot. They included the need for effective representation and equal
participation of both men and women in peace initiatives and the encouragement of both
men and women to trade with each other and the establishment of a land commission to look
into the issue of land tenure and expedite issuance of title deeds for people who bought or
were allocated land. Further, there is need to create public awareness so that members of the
public could respect valid documents of land ownership, the need to de-link fraternal groups
from inheritance, acquisition and ownership of land and other resources, and the need for
members of the two communities to strive to identify with the nation as a whole rather than
with their particular ethnic groups. A number of areas for further research were identified: a
study on how the rise of ethnically-based parties that accompanied multi-partism in
Bungoma and Mt. Elgon districts has partly contributed to the presence of very few
successful women in elective politics among the Bukusu and the Sabaot; a study on how
gender informs trade between the Bukusu and Sabaot communities and thus inter-ethnic
relations; and a study on intra-ethnic conflicts among the various Sabaot clans over the
distribution of land in the Chebyuk Settlement Scheme.
1CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
The world seems to be faced with a growing crisis of identity (Kottak: & Kozaitis, 1999:
32-33). Identity is a concept that depicts an individual's sense of who s/he is (Dashefsky &
Shapiro, 1974). Some of the important markers of identity include gender, age, religion,
race, civilization, class, and ethnicity, among others. These markers of identity constitute
critical dimensions of social organization. Historically, ethnicity is one of the major forms
of identity. People learn to favour the "in-group" and discriminate against the "out-
groups". The significance of ethnic identity, identification and preference for one's own
group is best explained by how each of the aforementioned eight fundamental axes of
stratifying societies develop with each other and how they affect individuals, groups and
the world society at large.
Almost every major region of the world has societies separated along ethnic lines. Intra
and inter-ethnic relations involve cooperation, inter-dependence and sometimes conflict in
its diverse forms. According to Leone (1998: xi), ethnic conflicts represent 'one of the
oldest scourges of humanity' that continue to plague the world even today. Writing on this,
GUIT (1993) documents over 300 ethnic conflicts between 1945 and 1994, which were due
to mobilized ethno-national movements. In another work, Gurr (1994) sees ethno-national
groups as being responsible for the declining ability of various governments to govern
effectively, making political and social peace a problematic exercise. Ethnic conflicts refer
to violent encounters and rivalry among ethnic communities. Several recent communal
2conflicts come to mind particularly the struggles between the Tamil minority and
Singhalese majority in Sri Lanka, the separatist attempts by Sikh minority and the Indian
State in India, the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, and many others.
While ethnic conflict is an age-old problem, Africa is the most war-tom continent in
contemporary times with slightly over forty-five percent of all the violent ethnic conflicts
witnessed in the world taking place in Africa (Adedeji, 1999: 3). Africa south of the Sahara
has since 'earned the reputation of a continent at war with itself (Ibid.). Academics and
scholars interested in the causes and dynamics of ethnic violence have wondered why this
form of conflict predominates in Sub-Saharan Africa today.
Yet more and more scholars, activists and decision-makers agree that gender equity is a
necessary condition for genuine peace to be achieved. Despite this, as Ahmed (2000)
points out, mainstream literature on ethnicity has largely ignored gender. Besides,
according to del Alwis (2000:48), the existing analyses of gender do not fully examine the
interrelations between gender and ethnicity in relation to identity, culture and politics. She
particularly notes the discontinuity between feminist practice and their non-articulation of
a feminist perspective in their writings on ethnicity despite it being widely known that
ethnic resources such as culture, territory, religion, beliefs about common family ancestry,
nationality and language or a combination of these characteristics are gender-specific (See
also Pilcher & Whelahan, 2004:134). Likewise, Ferris (2005:25) underscores the fact that
existing research has not tackled the most critical question: What roles do men and women
play in shaping their families' national, religious and ethnic identities? Therefore, forms of
3ethnic mobilizations deserve study to reveal the role of gender in ethnicity and ethnic
conflicts.
This study is concerned with the role of gender in the formation, persistence over time, and
reinforcement of ethnic identities and inter-ethnic relations between the Bukusu and Sabaot
currently inhabiting Bungoma and Mt. Elgon districts respectively. The nature of the
Bukusu and Sabaot conflicts is herein studied within the context of identity - the nature of
ethnicity in the form of patriarchy and how it interacts with gender.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
This study is about the differential roles of men and women in the construction, reinforcement
and persistence of Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities and inter-ethnic relations. Were
(1967a; 1967b), Wolfe (1969), Goldschmidt (1976), Makila (1982; 1986), Nasimiyu
(1984), Aseka (1989), Kiliku (1992), NCCK (1994), Oyugi (1998), Kakai (2000) and
Wafula (2000) provide historical and contemporary information on the nature of the
relations between the Bukusu and the Sabaot. They also provide explanations as to why the
two communities conflict. These studies attribute the Bukusu- Sabaot struggles to conflicts
over power and resources, particularly land and cattle, among other reasons. .Though
gender aspects are not entirely lacking in these studies, these authors do not give sufficient
attention to the gender perspective of intra and inter-ethnic relations in their analysis.
There is, therefore, need to re-examine the nature of the intersection between gender and
ethnicity as part of the contribution to a better understanding of Bukusu-Sabaot ethnic
conflicts. This study examines the ethnic origins of conflicts and how they acquire a different
4texture when one considers the gendered relations between the Bukusu and Sabaot
communities of Bungoma and Mt. Elgon Districts.
From available literature, gender and ethnicity are critical markers of identity for many
people around the world. Gender and ethnicity are also major issues in politics and
conflicts. However, gender and ethnicity are complex phenomena, which interact in ways
that call for an engrossing study and analysis in relation to Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic
identities and ethnic conflicts. The most recent major conflict between the two
communities was in 1991/92. The role of gender-specific symbols, myths and rituals in
reinforcing ethnic identities and conflicts is also tackled.
1.3 Study Objectives
The study is guided by the following objectives:
1. To investigate the importance of gender in defining ethnic identity among the Bukusu
and Sabaot communities.
2. To establish how the codification of experience into symbols, myths, and rituals
possibly reinforces the separateness of the Bukusu and Sabaot communities and
conflicts among them.
3. To examine how the Bukusu and Sabaot identities interact and mutually condition,
augment, or challenge one another in the political-economic and social spheres thereby
contributing to ethnic conflicts.
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54. To assess how institutions conflated with 'masculinity' interlock with 'femininity' to
mobilize the community towards competition and ethnic strife among the Bukusu and
the Sabaot.
1.4 Research Questions
The following research questions guided the study:
1. How does gender help define the formation/persistence of ethnic identity among
the Sabaot and Bukusu communities?
2. How do the Bukusu and Sabaot identities practice and codify their lived experience
in gender specific symbols, myths, and rituals?
3. How does gender contribute to the consolidation of Sabaot and Bukusu ethnic
identities and ethnic conflicts?
4. How do the Bukusu and Sabaot communities interact and reciprocally condition,
reinforce, or undermine one another in the social, political and economic spheres
thereby contributing to ethnic conflicts?
5. How do the Bukusu and Sabaot institutions conflated with masculinity interlock
with femininity to create a mobilization of the community towards a certain
common reaction against another community?
1.5 Research Hypotheses
The study assumes that:
61. Gender significantly aids in the construction of Bukusu and Sabaot identities.
2. Gender-specific rituals, celebrations and myths are important in reinforcing the
separateness of the Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities and thus contribute to conflicts
between the two communities.
3. Gender-constructed Bukusu and Sabaot identities interact and reciprocally reinforce, or
undermine one another in the political, social and economic spheres thus culminating
in ethnic conflicts.
4. The interplay between gender and ethnicity among other variables contribute to the
emergence, escalation and persistence of ethnic conflicts between the Bukusu and the
Sabaot.
1.6 Justification and Significance of the Study
Available literature (Were, 1967a; 1967b; Wolfe, 1969; Goldschmidt, 1976; Makila, 1986;
Aseka, 1989; Kiliku, 1992; NCCK, 1994; Kakai, 2000; Wafula, 2000) indicates that the
relations between the Bukusu and the Sabaot are punctuated by incidents of conflict.
Gender mindful studies are relevant to any quest for a holistic understanding of the
economy, society, politics and conflicts in contemporary Africa - as, indeed, in every other
region of the world. Yet the gender dimension of ethnic conflicts among the Sabaot and the
Bukusu is under researched. This is because previous researchers do not take into account
gender aspects in the relations within and between the Bukusu and Sabaot communities
and its impact on peaceful co-existence. That being the case, this study sheds light on
7gender issues by analyzing the connection between gender and ethnicity with regard to
ethnic identities and ethnic conflicts.
Gender cognizant studies are motivated by a commitment to the construction of 'egalitarian'
gender relationships thus foster peace and better relations among members of the two
communities. In this regard, the study of gender aspects is critical when trying to
understand Bukusu-Sabaot ethnic conflicts and to establish means of peace building and
peaceful coexistence. Indeed, the 1991/92 ethnic conflicts among the Bukusu and the
Sabaot show that the existing mechanisms of conflict resolution are inadequate because
women are underrepresented or not represented at all.
This study was also undertaken with the conviction that empirical data acquired from past
inter-ethnic relations using gender as an analytical category are useful in contributing to
the resolution of present and possibly forecasting future ethnic conflicts.
Moreover, such data may serve as reference materials for policy-makers to safeguard
human lives, property and reduce the level of violence generated by such hostility.
Finally, the data obtained could be useful for further studies.
8CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 Review of Related Literature
The literature related to the study has been reviewed under four broad themes, namely,
literature on ethnic conflicts, the role of gender in ethnic identity construction and
influencing ethnic conflicts, and history and causes of ethnic conflicts among the Bukusu
and the Sabaot.
2.1.1 Literature on Ethnic Conflicts
Various authors have discussed the issue of ethnic conflicts in Africa. Some of the authors
have explained it in terms of Africa's pre-colonial history. For example, Eboe (1999)
observes that violence has been a permanent aspect of African history. He attributes it to
compulsory recruitment of labour to help construct great African empires such as Songhai,
Ghana, and Mali. The same forced labour method was applied in the construction of the
Egyptian pyramids and the structures of Great Zimbabwe. The gender dimension of the
modem-day ethnic conflicts among the Sabaot and the Bukusu is a major issue of concern
of the proposed study.
For some scholars, ethnicity and ethnic conflicts are due to colonialism. Colonial
manipulation led to the re-definition of the boundaries of the inherited pre-colonial ethnic
groups thereby polarizing populations along ethnic lines and as a result, arousing ethnic
9consciousness with the possibility of ethnic conflicts. Rodney (1989:228), from a Marxist
perspective faulted colonialism for activating, heightening and extending ethnic conflicts
in Africa. He is indignant about ethnic boundaries that were drawn in Africa in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries purposively to facilitate European control and
imperialism with utter disregard of past animosity and hostility within and between
different ethnicities. Mugambi (2003: 3-5) underscores the fact that almost all African
-countries are ethnically pluralistic except a few countries such as Swaziland and Lesotho
that are ethnically homogeneous. This is because national borders drawn by colonial
regimes were arbitrary, artificial, cut across traditional societies and merged diverse
peoples. Consequently, Adedeji, (1999: 320) suggests that the 'vast majority of these states
are mere geographical expressions artificially created by the colonialists'. These studies,
however, do not incorporate the gender dimension in their findings thereby providing the
justification for this study.
Other scholars (Mamdani, 1996; 2002; Bayart, 1993; 1999) have studied the conflicts in
the context of the crisis of the post-colonial state in Africa, the logic being that violence in
the modern era is a result of the privatization of public authority and the failure to cultivate
a sense of patriotism between the state and the population under its rule. Mamdani (2002)
in his work When Victims Become Killers postulates that power-sharing is central to ethnic
conflicts in Africa. Bayart (1993:55) observes that in contemporary African states,
ethnicity exists mainly as a mechanism for amassing wealth and political power. Bayart
(1999: 13) looks at ethnicity and ethnic conflicts as the result of the crirninalization of the
state. The focus of the present study is on the importance of gender as an analytical
category in the understanding of the Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic conflicts.
10
According to Oyugi (1998) and Anyang-Nyongo (1993), ethnic conflicts result from the
competition over scarce resources amongst members of unequal ethnic groups. They blame
communal conflicts on state actors and policies, which promote or perpetuate economic,
social and political inequalities among ethnic groups. According to these authors, the
moment each ethnic group mobilizes itself to access state power and resources, they
invariably heightens ethnic consciousness and possibilities of ethnic conflicts. These
studies, however, do not incorporate the gender dimension in their findings thereby
providing the justification for this study.
Ethnic conflicts have also been linked to traditional cultural forms of initiation and rites of
passage (Goldschmidt, 1976). Vlassenroot (2006: 64-65) observes that initiation rituals
were key to the conversion of Mayi-Mayi militias composed of ethnic Tutsi living in South
Kivu provinces of Eastem Congo into protectors of their community.
Yet other scholars (Adedeji, 1999:3; Callahan, 1998) have argued that external
manipulation and interventions by great powers also contribute to ethnic conflicts in
reference to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Yugoslavia, Lesotho, Guinea
Bissau, Sourthern Sudan, Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi and Iraq. Callahan (1998) explored
the history of American involvement in ethnic conflicts of various countries before and
after the fall of Communism. Similarly, Adedeji (1999:3) notes the role of Uganda,
Rwanda and Burundi in the civil war that led to the overthrow of the Mobutu regime by
Laurent Kabila forces, while five other countries (Zimbabwe, Angola, Namibia, Central
African Republic and Chad) combined forces in a botched attempt to the rebellion against
the DRC government.
11
Adedeji (1999:7-10) further notes that ethnic conflicts "are but violent reactions to the
pervasive lack of democracy, the denial of human rights, the complete disregard of the
sovereignty of the people, the lack of empowerment and accountability and, generally, bad
governance" besides the competition for scarce resources. He disputes the notion that
ethnicity and tribalism are responsible for intra-state conflicts by observing that there is a
lack of consensus on the exact make-up of ethnic or tribal phenomenon. For him ethnic
identity is mere perception objectified in language, culture and religion. He, however,
observes that the ethnic factor is often exploited by those interested in starting conflicts
especially the political elites. Yengo (2002:49-59) also denies the factual correctness of
conflicts that are portrayed in terms of opposition between ethnic groups blaming conflicts
on Africa's imperial domination through financial and monetary hegemony, military
supremacy, scientific and technological domination, patenting practices, and
monopolization of African natural resources. In this connection, she strongly argues that
the talk on factional struggles or 'politics of the belly' take no cognizance of the African
historical context or are simply ill-adapted to African concerns. This view is shared by
Vlassenroot (2006: 50).
Osaghae (1995) notes that ethnicity is not always conflictual and negative in its outcomes.
In fact, he believes that it can be harnessed for positive ends. Eboe (1999) concurs citing
the case of Nigeria where ethnicity has functioned to preserve democratic space and as a
building bloc for civil society. Osaghae (1995) adopts the position that ethnic conflicts
results from a multiplicity of factors.
12
Okoth (2000:2-3) supports this VIew suggesting that every conflict possesses its own
historical character and underlying cause. He notes that it is better to confine any conflict
to the underlying issue in dispute between or among parties. He divides causes of conflicts
into two: domestic (ideology, personality, internal power struggles and mistreatment of
ethnic minorities), and external (decolonization, territorial disputes, external interference
and refugee problems). He disagrees with the observation that all internal conflicts in
Africa could be labeled ethnic in character citing cases of class conflicts, caste,
occupational conflicts, regional antagonisms, just to mention a few. The gist of his
argument is that all forms of identity exist ranging from class, nationality, religious,
occupational, regional and linguistic groups. Still, he argues that ethnicity is a dynamic
concept that may possess both an ethnic and class character. In fact, he postulates on the
possibility of class and ethnic conflicts being simultaneously waged. Though these studies
(Osaghae, 1995; Okoth, 2000:2-3) are indicative of the multifaceted nature of the causes of
ethnic conflicts, they fail to appreciate the gender dimension of ethnic identity and ethnic
conflicts a gap this study intends to fill
Aseka (1989) and Gecaga (2001) have documented how colonial manipulation led to
ethnic crystallization especially with the establishment of the state system. The basic
argument is that the colonial and post-independence systems emphasized exclusion,
competition and authoritarianism in mediating and managing inter-ethnic relations.
According to Aseka (1989), the colonial state was the mid-wife of the power struggles
between various groups, especially between the African peasantry and the settlers and later
intra and inter-clan rivalries and factional politics, which gave birth to ethnic
interpellations that drew from cornmon historical origins, cornmon dialect and kinship ties.
KENYA.TA UNIV R I; Y LIBRARY
13,
He explores and analyzes situations in the colonial economy that gave root to the
development of ethnic leaning politics by examining the different waves of immigrants
into Western province and parts of the interlacustine region and their subsequent
interactions with the neighboring peoples. The conclusion is that the advent of colonialism
undermined local economies in the course of the interaction of pre-colonial systems of
production and capitalist modes of production bringing into being a stunted political
economy.
For Gecaga (2001: 159-174), ethnic conflicts are due to disaffection over uneven
distribution of resources appropriated in the colonial era among communities inhabiting
Central, Rift Valley and Western provinces. These tensions were aggravated during the
post-independence period due to politicized ethnicity. For her, ethnic conflicts are also
informed by intolerance and pure criminality. Whereas the factors highlighted in this study
are relevant, the study's wide scope could not allow the author to address issues specific to
Bukusu and Sabaot communities hence prompting this study.
In addition to these positions, this thesis looks at the issue of ethnic conflicts in the context
of identity (the nature of ethnicity and how it interacts with gender). In this regard, the
emphasis is on the importance of gender as an analytical category in the understanding of
the Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic conflicts.
2.1.2 The Role of Gender in Ethnic Identity Construction and influencing Ethnic Conflicts
The nature of gender relations and explanation of the differences between the genders is a
topic of increasing debate. For Shulamith Firestone in The Dialectic of Sex (1970), crucial
14
to the relegation into different realms are notions of the inherent characteristics of men and
women. Most scholars, for example Connell (1987:50; 83), disagree, oppose the status
quo, engage these states of affairs by argument and, where possible and relevant, by
political action. They argue that the gender divide is a social construct; one's gender
identity and sex role does not always conform to one's morphological sex. Instead, gender
identity is formed through a complex interaction of biological, psychological and socio-
cultural factors (Pilcher & Whelehan, 2004: 6-7; 56-59).
In the light of the above, scholars have kept on producing insightful research and debates
that challenge conventional wisdom, structures, and ideologies narrowly informed by
caricatures of gender realities, and that best capture the shifting roles. Scholars such as
Jaggar (1983) and Rosenblum and Travis (2000) observe that in terms of biology, one is
either man or woman corresponding to one's sex but a whole set of gender expectations are
mapped onto this primary sex distinction. Therefore, gender is an analytical category to
draw a line of demarcation between biological sex differences and the way these are used
to inform behaviors and competences which are assigned as either masculine or feminine.
Even then, critics (Kisiang'ani, 2004:17; 19-21) argue that the sex/gender distinction (stark
binary of essentializedlsocial constructionist perspectives) tends to represent proclivity
towards dichotomous models. In addition, Amadiume (1995) and Oyewumi (2004) have
highlighted the differences amongst women and offered reasons why it would be unwise to
take gender at face value.
Amadiume in her book Male Daughters, Female Husbands (1987) demonstrates how
misleading biological categories can be in the study of sex and gender after noting that one
15
can assume socially viable roles either as male or female. Her study reveals that masculine
attributes such as strength, courage and character are applicable to individuals by virtue of
conduct and character rather than sex. Her emphasis is on the institution of woman
marriage in Igbo society thus dislocating sex from gender. She insists on the existence of
cross-cutting categories within the family. To her, a strong matriarchal legacy throughout
pre-colonial Africa allowed women to acquire unique powers and positions of authority.
She shows how change in life cycle alters women's status such that post-menopausal
women are able to assume political functions. The same could be said about ancestral
women who share equal status with male ancestors (Amadiume, 1995).
The strength of Amadiume's findings was her commitment to better the relations between
men and women in Africa rather than adversarial separatism. This is testified by her focus
on kinds of relationships marked by fewer conflicts between mothers, sons, sisters and
brothers. Critics have, however, pointed out that though powerful monarchs have existed in
the Igbo society, the evidence she uses to support her argument simply does not escape
scrutiny (Bakare- Yusuf, 2004:61-81). Besides, the experience of post-menopausal women,
princesses and other privileged women cannot be used to evaluate the position of all
women in a society or to deny the collective subordination of women. Bakare- Yusuf
thereby questions Amadiume's principal argument that motherhood (not defined as a
sexual relationship but as a relationship to progeny) is the dominant identity for women.
Perhaps Amadiume's intention is to shift the focus from the sexual politics of heterosexual
relationships, which according to her, undervalue motherhood in favor of the significance
of maternal politics. Amadiume's findings are relevant to the current study when
attempting to explain why and primarily how ethnic identities persist over time. The most
16
applicable aspect to this study is the fact that she does not disavow the fact that all children
among the Igbo derive lineage affiliation from their fathers. In fact, she attests to the fact
that women often act in collaboration with their patrilineage men in the interest of their
patrilineage (Amadiume, 1995:16). In addition to these positions, this thesis looks at the
issue of ethnic conflicts in the context of identity (the nature of ethnicity and how it
interacts with gender).
Oyewumi Oyeronke in her study The Invention of Women (1997) based on Yoruba society
of Southwestern Nigeria suggests that the separation between gender and sex is superficial
and socially constructed. For her, seniority takes precedence ~ver gender and anatomy. Her
principal argument is that gender is first a socio-cultural construct and as such, it is not
applicable as the model for explaining women subordination and oppression worldwide.
She observes that the traditional family is non-gendered because kinship roles and
categories are not gender differentiated. Through her mother/wife distinction, she shows
that power centers within the family are diffused and not gender-specific. For her, seniority
orders and divides Yoruba society, and is the fundamental organizing principle within the
family. Seniority is based on relative age and not gender. Unlike gender, which is static,
the seniority principle is dynamic and fluid. She points out that the Yoruba kinship
structure distinguishes between those who are born members of the family irrespective of
gender and those who enter by marriage. Women born into the lineages alongside their
brothers belong to the same lineage. An insider is always senior to an outsider who is
marrying into the family irrespective of gender. For an outsider, seniority rank depends on
how many children including blood relations are already part of the lineage, is always
relative and context-dependent (Oyewumi, 2004:4-5).
17
Further, Oyewumi asserts the centrality of language in the formation of social identity. She
avers that the non-existence of gender markers in the Yoruba language unlike seniority,
which is linguistically marked, is an essential component of Yoruba identity. She also
observes that Yoruba social institutions and practices do not make social distinctions in
terms of anatomic differences and there are no gender-specific words denoting son,
daughter, brother and sister. She cites other African societies to confirm her thesis that the
oppositional male/female, man/woman duality and its attendant male privileging in
western gender categories is particularly alien to many African cultures (Oyewurni,
2004:8).
Critics, for example, Bakare-Yusuf (2004:63-81), have questioned Oyewurni's
understanding of the nature of power and her assumption about the relation between
language and social reality. Bakare- Yusuf correctly observes that Oyewumi did not discuss
how other forms of power relations inform the ideology of seniority. For example,
Oyewurni's suggestion that the subordination of the wife in patrilineal settings has nothing
to do with gender but her position as an outsider to the lineage arguing that in the
matrilineal setting, subordinated outsiders are the newly in-married husbands. This is
because among the Yoruba like most other societies the world over, it is usually women
who are married out to another lineage thereby becoming outsiders and subordinate in their
spouse lineage. Bakare- Yusuf also observes that the absence of gender variation in writing
and speech does not mean that it is entirely absent in social reality. This is because
language and discourse are not synonymous with social reality.
18
Overall, Oyewumi' s study permits a closer focus on the relations between women or men
and on the power effects of other configurations of difference within and between sites
such as the household. She also rescues from obscurity salient axes of difference such as
seniority and wealth. She also raises issues relevant to the exploitative and hierarchical
relationships among women. Accordingly, she points out that in many cases women are
part and parcel if not the power behind the scattered instances of male dominance.
Understanding these dynamics challenges a gender hierarchy that places women at a
permanent disadvantage. These fmdings are critical when trying to understand the role of
gender in the construction and persistence of Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities and
ethnic relations.
Sadiqi (2002:35) expounds the meaning of gender in African socio-cultural environment
and argues that the perception of gender in Africa is deeply rooted in larger
superstructures. Her principal argument is that "African women do not constitute
homogenous group. They playoff and negotiate gender in various ways according to
choices that their respective overall socio-cultural status allows them". She shares the same
platformwith Lewis (2004:27-42) who challenges essentialist notions of womanhood while
insisting on recognizing and interrogating difference. Similarly, Arnfred (2004:70) reveals
from her fieldwork in matrilineal northern Mozambique that gender power dynamics work
much more in favor of women. In matrilineal descent systems, women get to decide the
clan for their children. In addition, Sudarkasa (2004:27) establishes that women playing
kinship roles such as mother, grandmother, elder sister, or father's sister are recipients of
deference from men as well as women and have considerable power and authority over
subordinate kin both male and female which is not the case in Europe and North America
19
because there is no extended family there. She points out that the term wife refers to either
"a female married to a given male (or female), or a female married into a given compound
or lineage".
Some scholars (Amadiume, 1995; Yengo, 2002; Sudarkasa, 2004; Oyewumi, 2004;
Kisiang'ani, 2004) have questioned the binary identity of men and women pointing out
that men and women play many roles in society depending on the socio-cultural setup and
justifications based on biology reinforce patriarchy. They have argued that the colonial
encounter profoundly interfered with African men and women identities and identifications
through the imposition of a dichotomous model of sexuality, which appears to render
women subordinate, residual and inferior to men.
Nevertheless, Bakare- Yusuf (2004: 61-81) argues that these authors deny agency to
African men and women in a bid to contest Western schemas. African men and women are
not simply subjects created by colonial gender discourses for they are actively engaged in
reconfiguring their own identities. To her, if such positions are taken to the extreme, it may
result in the denial that power struggles and conflicts exist in Africa. She instead deals with
structural inequalities between men and women in post-colonial Africa. Correspondingly,
Lewis (2004:31) while attesting to the fact that colonial social policy radically shaped
coital and conjugal sites in Africa wonders why one form of oppression needs to be
privileged above another: Why not analyze western feminist discursive dominance while
simultaneously disavowing patriarchal oppression in Africa. Why privilege the racial while
ignoring structural inequalities between men and women in post-colonial Africa? For
Mama (2006:11), academic freedom becomes at risk when scholars on the continent
20
reproduce 'rather than challenge the inequalities based on gender, class, ethnicity and other
dimensions of oppression' .
Imam (1997: 17) while acknowledging that colonialism intensified the gender gap points
out that resorting to versions of traditional culture in defense of an essential Africanity,
leaves African men and women without the political resources to combat those very
aspects of tradition that damage them. Accordingly, harmful traditional practices that
demean or oppress women such as clitoridectomy, infibulations, twin killing and slavery
are indefensible based on their being part of African culture. Her basic argument is that
customs and culture are dynamic and that not all customs and traditions are of value.
Studies have shown that most forms of oppression, marginalization and violence originate
from the way African societies are themselves socially, economically, and politically
organized. For example, Marie (1993:47) underscores the fact that the presentation of
ethnic homogeneity, and the presupposition that roles ascribed to men and women within
ethnic groups is acknowledged and unproblematic may not be the case. Gordon (1996)
shows that the domination of women operates through the collusion of ethnic groups and kinships.
Ethnic groups evoke customs and traditions in order to preserve the domination of one gender
over the other. This study is grounded on categories and approaches that adequately address the
realitiesand experiences of the Bukusu and Sabaot communities,
Oyekanmi (1999) points out that male dominance and patriarchy engenders a culture of
violence in which women and children are victims. This is because men exercise some
kind of monopoly of the means of violence and are equipped by their physical nature and
psychology to be aggressive while women are less prone to violence because they are
K
21
inherently prepared for motherhood (reproduction and nurturing roles) thus requiring
protection. However, she also notes that scholars have used the Uganda and Ethiopia
experiences to debunk the myth that women are by nature incapable for war or less cruel.
The emphasis of the present study is on the importance of gender as an analytical category
in the understanding of the Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic conflicts.
Ferris (2005) argues that men play active role in conflict situations not only because of
their greater physical strength but also because culturally it is expected that warfare is a
'decent' male behavior. Tradition traps men into playing certain roles as assailants because
of socialization, a process in which women play a decisive role. Through socialization,
women transmit differential values to boys and girls from early on that playa significant
role in maintaining the warrior mentality system. It is this differential values that manifest
in different roles played by men and women in conflict environments. She observes that
women can be very violent or support violence through their social roles. Women also
implicitly support war-making abilities, prolong conflicts through their silence and are
today increasingly participating in conflicts and wars, namely Nicaragua, EI Salvador,
Angola, Namibia, Eritrea, Somalia, to mention just a few. Yet despite these recent trends,
the most prominent form of women participation in war, they remain victims. Women
commonly suffer harassment, intimidation and rape. Often, they are killed simply to
intimidate their male relatives (Ferris, 2005: xi; 2-27).
Silberschmidt (2004: 242) associates toughness and aggression with the socialization of
men (masculinity). She observes that when young men are socialized to believe that they
are the superior gender and their identity as men is defmed through sexual ability and
22
accomplishment, masculinity takes the form of toughness and aggression. Poverty and the
lack of access to education and employment help reinforce this masculine behavior.
Honwana Alcinda (1999) points out that the involvement of young males in violent
conflicts and war is a worldwide phenomenon. Historically, the youth have been at the
forefront of political conflicts in many parts of the world. They become vulnerable to
recruitment due to lack of opportunities for social advancement and generational crisis of
youth signified by the resistance to the gerontocratic oppression. In addition, ethnic
alliances and a general disenchantment with the state and the rejection of traditional
authority and culture determine the positions of traditional chiefs who take sides and help
in recruiting the youth and children. They become killers and commit the most horrific
atrocities.
Kanogo (2005) underscores the central role women play to ensure marital, kinship and
ethnic cohesiveness among the Kikuyu community, which is patrilineal and patrilocal. She,
however, notes that the gender power relations in the conjugal unit and lineage systems are
not equal. Marriage, the link between procreation and kinship, makes it possible for
children born of mothers gain membership into the father's lineage and clan. These
patrilineage groups adjudicate over land cases limiting women's access to and alienation of
immovable property, save within a working marriage. In the pre-colonial and colonial
period, Kikuyu women councils and age sets exuded limited authority and women had no
alternative but to resort to a whole range of informal actions to influence community
affairs. The implication is that the disposal of a kinless woman and her female children
(pawning) was easy (Kanogo, 2005: 2; 16; 17; 42-50; 52). Kanogo's findings are important
23
to this study because she notes that in some communities in Western Kenya, women hold
marginal positions in the economic, social and political domains. For example, among the
Bukusu and the Sabaot women do not inherit immovable property particularly land. Yet
ethnic conflicts are most often blamed on the struggle for resources especially land.
The reviewed literature indicates that gender relations and negotiations are undergoing
profound changes in Africa. Yet it has emerged that some studies have been done on gender,
andon the intersection of gender and ethnicity but apparently no study that the researcher is aware of
bastackledhow the interplayof gender and ethnicity could lead to ethnic conflicts.This study hopes to
fillthisgap in scholarship.
2.1.3 History and Causes of Ethnic Coriflicts among the Bukusu and the Sabaot
The Bukusu- Sabaot ethnic conflict which broke out in the 1990s and which coincided
with the advent of multiparty politics was not the only one of its kind. Previous literature
and oral history indicate that there has been a long history of conflict between the Bukusu
and the Sabaot on what informants attribute to conflicts over power and resources,
particularly land and cattle, among other reasons (Were, 1967a; 1967b; Wolfe, 1969;
Goldschmidt, 1976; Makila, 1982; 1986; Aseka, 1989; Kiliku, 1992; NCCK, 1994; Kakai,
2000; Wafula, 2000).
Fortification of villages is important in the understanding of the conflict between the
Bukusu and the Sabaot. According to oral accounts, fortification of villages evolved as a
military strategy against prospects of war through surprise attack and nocturnal cattle raids.
Hobley (1902:13-14) illustrates this when he refers to 'forts' in relation to Bukusu-Sabaot
24
conflicts. Similarly, Wagner (1949:12) talks of 'walled villages' and Wandibba (1972: 22)
'fortified villages'. Later, Makila (1982) wrote a monograph on the importance of
Chetambe fort in Bukusu history. On his part, Aseka (1990:48) dwelt on 'defensive human
agglomerations' and Kakai (2000:37-38) made reference to Lumboka and Chetambe forts.
Finally, Wafula (2000: 41) also mentions 'Lukoba' (the singular form of fortified villages)
a Bukusu military strategy against surprise Sabaot attack.
Were (1967a; 1967b) provides a detailed account on how by the second half of the 19th
century Bungoma and Mt. Elgon districts were settled. He concludes that the Bukusu and
the Sabaot are basically the result of two historical processes, namely, ethnic division and
ethnic integration. He hypothesizes that the Bukusu and the Sabaot were the same people
and the Bukusu were originally Kalenjin. To support his theory, he uses place name
similarities, and certain agricultural practices and pastoralism. His principal argument is
that most people in Western Kenya have the blood of other ethnic groups flowing in their
veins and no ethnic group or sub-ethnic group is cut off from communication with others
because people of different ethnic groups interacted through trade, intermarriage and
cultural activities. However, the author fails to explain why the two communities
conflicted in the past. In this regard, the present study emphasizes the importance of gender
as an analytical category in the understanding of the Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic conflicts.
Were (1967a; 1967b) also observes that each clan cluster among either the Bukusu or the
Sabaot has its own historical records, tales of wars, adventures, migratory movements,
calamities, place names, encounters with alien tribes, assimilation of strangers and
customs. This study is relevant because according to Were, the archives provide a
25
catalogue of events and artifacts by which it may be assumed that a clan, either
individually or corporately recapitulates its achievements or failures, its integration or
disintegration, and its meaningful past association with alien communities or strangers.
The study is also important because the author opined that during the colonial period,
conflicts were nurtured by policies and conditions created by British colonial rule. He
reveals how the British, by pursuing the policies of divide and rule, were able to
consolidate ethnic particularism. He also ascertains that the European powers allied
themselves with communities, which appeared accommodative thus engendering an
atmosphere of suspicion and animosity among ethnic groups.
Wolfe (1969) establishes from Bukusu and Sabaot oral tradition accounts of several
quarrels between the two communities, the most famous being the 'War of Chonge" and
the 'War of Kikai'. According to the author, on the eve of British rule, the Bukusu and the
Sabaot were composed of several quasi-sovereign clans. The British established a central
authority over all these peoples by regrouping various clans and sub-clans into bigger
administrative units (sub-locations and locations). Though political authority was now no
longer based on the principle of common or mythical origin, the clan was not destroyed.
Therefore, related males [families, lineages and clans] continued to work together and felt
obliged to protect one another's common interests. These observations are important to this
study because the focus is on gender aspects in the Bukusu-Sabaot ethnic conflicts.
Makila (1978) also establishes that during the pre-colonial period historical sources
indicate occasional clashes between the Bukusu and Sabaot over cattle along their common
borders. He cites the oath of Khulia embwa ('eating the dog') between the Sabaot and the
26
Bukusu to respect the domains of each other as per boundaries established then to curtail
frequent conflicts between them. 'Eating a dog' as an amity and reconciliation ritual or
ceremony has in the past been used to reconcile the Sabaot and the Bukusu. Such a truce
would be concluded in a ceremony where the two or more conflicting parties took oaths
against warlike activities. Makila's study is relevant because it details how relationships
with neighboring ethnic groups were regulated through ceremonies and rites of conflict
resolution.
Makila (1982: 8; 21-22; 33; 190) reveals that the Bukusu started building defensive forts
(military fortresses) because of frequent hostilities with immediate neighbors and frontier
communities like the Wanga, Nandi, Pokot, Maasai, Bamia (Teso) and Barwa (Sabaot)
during their stay at Silikwa and other habitations. Some of the notable forts include
Lumboka, Kibachenje, Namwela, Miendo, Mundoli, Chetambe, Chekulo, Kakichuma,
Mabanga, Musiloba, Mubitobo, Makona, Lumbasi, Esibina and Mukhweya. The Bukusu
used the fortified villages/homestead enclosures as defensive shields in case of surprise
attacks from their enemies and or as retreat centers after fighting. However, because of
incessant upheavals, and the feeling of insecurity due to the fear and suspicion of hostile
neighbors and frontier communities they had to frequently move from one place to
another. This study is important because it provides historical insights on the relations
between the Bukusu and the Sabaot.
NCCK (1994) established that post-independent Kenya witnessed occasional border
clashes between the Bukusu and the Sabaot particularly in the years 1968, 1977, 1988 and
then 1991 to 1992. The study concludes that the early 1990s Bukusu-Sabaot ethnic conflict
27
attracted a lot of attention because at the time, Kenya was experiencing increased political
activity as a result of agitation for political pluralism. These observations are important
because they help to avoid the frequent assertion that the Bukusu-Sabaot conflicts in the
early 1990s were solely due to the introduction of political pluralism in Kenya.
Oyugi (1998) argues that the 1991/92 ethnic violence was due to manipulation by fractions
of the Kenyan leadership as they mobilized support for the competition of power and
wealth. He notes that ethnicity in Kenya had its roots in the colonial situation of conquest
and rule. The policies pursued by the colonial regime gave expression to group
particularization and manipulation, which gave room to development of affinity based on
shared primordial characteristics. For instance, white settlement and land alienation led to
massive migration of population across the country specifically from fertile land in the
present Nakuru, Uasin Gishu, Trans-Nzoia, Laikipia, Nyandarua, Kiambu, Murang'a,
Nyeri, Kericho, Nandi, Kisumu, Kakamega and Bungoma districts. This and other policies
polarized Kenya along ethnic lines to the extent that Kenya has witnessed various
eruptions of ethnic violence particularly in the Rift Valley and Western Kenya before,
during and after the 1992 Multi-party elections. The Kalenjin and the Maasai attempted to
drive out the Kikuyu, Luo and Luhya political opponents who they blamed for denying
them access to power and land resources in their areas.
Kiliku (1992) probed the genesis and causes of ethnic and territorial conflicts among the
Bukusu and the Sabaot and noted that these conflicts were politically motivated. The report
of the Parliamentary Select Committee under Kiliku's chairmanship emphasized the issues
of power, and resources. The report points out that the government appears to have been
28
reduced to a contributor, rather than, the manager of the conflicts due to its acts of
omission or commission. It emerged that the government wanted to gain political mileage
out of the clashes by using violence as a political tool. Thus, ethnic polarization and
violence were used to destabilize areas from which the opposition parties were expected to
gamer massive support during the 1992 general elections. Before taking this particular
stand, the committee had considered other equally possible motives for the ethnic violence.
They included the perceived domination of the Sabaot by the Bukusu in Bungoma and Mt
Elgon districts, state-armed local guards who used the guns on unarmed ethnic groups,
unresolved boundaries issues, the partisan roles played by the provincial administration
and the state's security agents.
The Kiliku report also cites the presence of organized groups of fighters/warriors formed
ostensibly to protect their communities, and religious leaders who played an ambivalent
role with some clergy championing multi-party democracy and minimizing the pain of the
displaced victims by providing relief services to the clash victims, while others issuing
inflammatory statements besides other divisive practices. Besides, the report cites
accusations that the circumcision traditions of either community are incompatible with
their own and the influx into Kenya by armed Sebei from across Uganda, who would then
engage in cattle rustling with the support of some of their Sabaot relatives, making it
assume an ethnic dimension. The other reasons included the nature of the terrain as Mt.
Elgon is on the boundary between Kenya and Uganda and some parts are completely
inaccessible by the security forces, the rivalry over the distribution of administrative posts,
resources such as the rural enterprise fund, rural development funds and the quota system
and the issue of land. The Kiliku report also notes that the perennial demand by the Sabaot
29
community to have their own district comprising parts of Kwanza and Saboti divisions of
Trans-Nzoia District, and Mt. Elgon sub-district of Bungoma District is partly responsible
for the ethnic strife.
Kakai (2000:32) reveals that the Bukusu, the Sabaot and the Tachoni have lived side-by-
side and interacted through trade, intermarriage and cultural activities. He emphasizes the
importance of peaceful relations among different ethnic identities while observing that the
Bukusu and the Sabaot share clans and linguistic aspects, history of origin, cultural and
economic ties. However, as the author notes, the interaction has not always been peaceful.
He makes two important observations as to the cause of this. First, land ownership, land
use and livestock ownership were major contributing factors to the occasional ethnic
suspicions. Second, he notes the fact that the expropriation of land by the colonialists, in
order to administer the Bukusu/Sabaot as a cultural group, dispossessed some ethnic
groups of their ancestral land and encouraged territorial divisions and the polarization of
people into culturally distinct groupings. He, however, adds that conflict within and
between communities was not the preserve of the colonial and post-independence period.
He observes that conflicts did not involve the entire ethnic group (or sub-ethnic group)
against another (or other) ethnic group (or sub-ethnic group). These observations provide
pointers to the need for field research.
Kakai (2000) further notes that in the nineteenth century (during the colonial period)
sections of the Sabaot harassed and even killed some prominent Bukusu who crossed to
Cheptais (Mungachi) into Bukisu and back. The Sabaot also acquired many cattle from the
Bukusu through raids. These losses brought about the 'War of Chonge'" in which the
30
Bukusu were routed. Chonge was a prophet from the Mamarat clan, Bok (Sabaot). He also
indicates that the 'War of Kikai' pitted some Bukusu warriors against the Kony (a sub-
group of the Sabaot) and the Pokot warriors (Kakai, 2000:74). Other conflicts occurred in
1946, 1962, 1963, 1968, 1975 and 1991/92. The 1963 Bukusu-Sabaot conflict had political
and economic overtones and resulted in the evacuation of the Bukusu then considered
aliens for not supporting Daniel Moss, the choice of the Sabaot in that year's General
Election (Ibid., 149). The 1968 conflict had to do with cattle rustling insinuations against
the Sabaot while Daniel Moss was accused of having incited the Sabaot in 1975 (Ibid.,
172). Like Makila (1986), Kakai (Ibid., 78) pointed out that conflict resolution among the
Tachoni, Bukusu and Sabaot involved or included interdependence, traditional prophecy
and the traditional ritual of 'khulia embwa'.
Wafula (2000: 38; 51; 53; 59-62) deals with the history of origin, migration and settlement
and the place of the Bukusu in Kenya's politics of decolonization particularly their
contribution to the emergence and development of nationalism. He observes that the
Bukusu were variously involved in conflicts and wars and had to migrate from Eastern
Uganda to avoid persistent external threats and attacks from the Karamajong, Uasin Gishu
Maasai, and later the Teso (Bamia) and Sabaot (Barwa). The Bukusu dealt with constant
surprise enemy attacks by constructing defensive forts and enclosures surrounded by a
moat. They also made tools, implements (hoes), weapons (arrows and spears) and
ornamental artifacts besides building military alliances. Military alliances were delicate but
important because in the pre-colonial times, the Bukusu did not have a single military
organization under one community. Each clan conducted its war and raids separately
except in rare occasions when the survival of the entire community was threatened.
31
He points out that the basis of Bukusu nationalism, to be correct, Bukusu sub-nationalism,
was manifold. The issue of land alienation and Wanga domination over the Bukusu,
quarrels over cattle raids and the desire for the Teso community to demonstrate their
military superiority. According to him, the Bukusu and some clans among the Sabaot
seems to have had a fairly long interaction characterized by frequent cattle raids and
jealous over the Bukusu community relative wealth and success in agriculture. The Bukusu
seem to have acquired more sophiscated weaponry (spears, shields and the building of
forts) from the Sabaot. He attributes the Bukusu migration from SirikwalEmbayi to
constant raids and hostility from the Sabaot. This study is important because it provides
historical insights on the interaction of the two communities. The present study's focus is
on the gender dimension of the modem-day ethnic conflicts involving the Sabaot and the
Bukusu.
Gender aspects are not entirely lacking in the foregoing literature. For instance, Makila,
(1982: 30; 36) observe that circumcised men particularly youths were eligible for
membership to organized standing military arrangements for the defense of their overall
communal interests and were informally trained for the purpose. Concealed gates were
constructed to provide escape routes for women, children and animals. In addition, Makila
(1982:200) and Kakai (2000:89; 92) observe that men were prepared for battle by the
songs sang by women to encourage them to fight bravely during the Lumboka-Chetambe
war. These authors also point out how Tachoni women refused to go along with the
decision by some of their men to flee from the battlefield during the same war. The women
instead threatened to replace their men and fight together with the Bukusu warriors who to
them showed courage and fearlessness. These findings indicate that in times of war or
YAfTA UNIVER IT ~.JBRARY
32
conflicts the women's major role is to support male warriors to fight. Indeed, they fight
along in different ways.
Wafula (2000: 51-53) concurs with Makila (Ibid. 1982) observing that every able-bodied
young man who had undergone circumcision among the Bukusu was expected to fight
offensive or defensive wars on behalf of the community. He also notes that Omung'osi
(dream prophet) was almost always consulted before waging any war. Still, medicinemen
gave protective charms to the warriors. Therefore, warfare, war prophecy and the
associated ritualistic powers were a male affair. This study examines how the demarcation
of gender roles among the Bukusu and Sabaot affect the way they relate.
Nasimiyu (1984: 33) emphasizes the centrality of land in the kinship (social) relations in
the Bukusu community. She observes that the clan exercised some kind of monopoly in the
control, allocation and disposal of landed property for groups and individuals among the
Bukusu. For her, the Bukusu rights of inheritance and ownership of property made it
virtually impossible for women to inherit land. Similarly, Kassily (1999: 9) observes that
in the Bukusu society only male children were allowed to inherit land for it was expected
that female children might marry elsewhere. These findings are relevant to this study
because the moment inheritance, acquisition and ownership of land is tied to patrilineal
and patrilocal relationships, only male members of the lineage system will "own" land
within familial, clan-based or ethnic boundaries. Observably, women have for many years
adapted themselves to living with 'strangers' when they marry.
This study is about the differential roles of men and women in the construction, reinforcement
and persistence of Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities and inter-ethnic relations. Were
33
(1967a; 1967b), Wolfe (1969), Goldschmidt (1976); Makila (1982; 1986), Aseka (1989),
Kiliku (1992), NCCK (1994), Oyugi (1998), and Kakai (2000) have provided historical
and contemporary information on the nature of the relations between the Bukusu and the
Sabaot. They have also provided explanations as to why the two communities conflict.
However, these authors do not give sufficient attention to the gender aspects in their
analysis. There is, therefore, need to re-examine the nature of the intersection between
gender and ethnicity as part of the contribution to a better understanding of Bukusu-Sabaot
ethnic conflicts. The study examines the ethnic origins of conflicts and how they acquire a
different texture when one considers the gendered relations between people. The study is
about the construction, reinforcement and persistence of ethnic identities and relations.
2.2 Theoretical Framework
In this section of the chapter, several theoriesi.\~dvanced to explain how ethnicities bind.,
fellow human beings and delineate them from others and the recurrent ethnic conflicts in
Africa and elsewhere are reviewed and commented on. Finally, the chapter outlines the
theoretical model guiding the study.
2.2.1 Feminist Theoretical Perspectives .
This study adopts a position that favors Feminist theory and cultural studies, which
encompasses a range of traditions, and perspectives including gender studies, liberal,
Marxist, radical, postmodemist, postcolonial perspectives, anarchist, and black feminisms,
among others. The various variants of feminism differ on the nature of domination, power
and authority and on the way we might achieve an equitable society.
34
Radical feminist analysis recognized patriarchy as the fundamental social cleavage in
society. Millet (1977) holds that all relations between men and women are political
relations of power thereby introducing the concept of patriarchy into scholarship. She
argues that patriarchy is achieved and sustained through sex role socialization, which takes
place in the male-headed family. In patriarchal systems, ancestry is traced through the male
line and women assume first their father's then their husband's name. In such systems,
women are denied legal rights of property inheritance and other privileges which pass from
father to son and they are also denied rights in marriage, divorce and so on. Firestone
(1971) suggested that inequalities between men and woman are biologically based. To her,
men's domination over women is often achieved through men's control over women's
sexuality and fertility (reproductive capacities). Other feminist accounts of patriarchy
suggest that masculine control over women's bodies is often achieved through sexuality
especially male violence in the form of rape (Kramarae & Treichler, 1985; 202-208;
Cashmore, 1996267-272; Pilcher & Whelehan, 2004: 93-96; Crossley, 2006: 144-147).
The concept of patriarchy cannot be used as a theory, it can only be used as an adjective to
explain power relations that favour one gender (Pilcher & Whelehan, 2004: 93-96;
Crossley, 2006: 144-147). Critics have associated the term with reductionism, ahistoricism,
universalism, and the tendency to ignore agency in social and historical processes
(Rowbotham, 1982:2). The concept, it is argued, also encourages a limited
conceptualization of gender relations as occurring only between men and women and
ignores relationships between men and men, women and women and between men and
women (pilcher & Whelehan, 2004: 93-96; Crossley, 2006: 144-147). However, when
used as an adjective the term could be helpful in describing inter-ethnic relations. For
35
example, Levi-Strauss (1969) notes that patriarchal systems facilitated the exchange of
women between kinship groups by men thereby serving as a means of stabilizing relations
between themselves and beyond the immediate domestic group. Even then critics have
emphasized the need to go beyond the description of the institutional structure of male
domination that is reproduced throughout the society in gender relations to explain why
such a system exists and how it is perpetuated (Pilcher & Whelehan, 2004: 63; Crossley,
2006: 144-147).
In retrospect, gender analysis emerged in the 1960s during and after the Civil Rights
Movement in the USA as a critique to research methodology, which did not include the
status and roles of men and women in social stratification. The dominant argument was
that the state, its institutions and other structures in the society exclude women and most
men from positions of influence. The approach advocated for a gendered social structure.
Margaret Mead's (1950) theory of sexual development that resulted from her fieldwork
among the New Guinea societies suggested that the ideology about sex roles were quite
different across societies. Her description of the Arapesh, Mundugumor, and Tschambuli
societies make it clear that masculine and feminine roles are highly variable and
determined by culture rather than by any absolute dictates of biology. For example,
whereas Arapesh men and women act in a mild parental responsive way, the Mundugumor
men act in a fierce and violent fashion. On the other hand, among the Tschambuli whereas
women appear energetic, managerial, and sexually aggressive, men act according to the
stereotype currently attached to women. She concludes that culturally acquired sexual roles
and traits have a political origin.
36
Post-colonialist theoretical frameworks borrow heavily from the Foucaldian analysis of
power and the construction of the subject through discourse. Post-colonial theorists often
discount the static impression of identity and instead in the process celebrate the relational
or interactive character of ethnicity. For them, ethnicity is situational and context-based so
that people might regard themselves and be regarded by others as belonging to one or more
ethnic groups in one setting but in another ethnic group or groups in a different setting.
Ethnicity is then a matter of the processes by which boundaries are created and maintained
between ethnic groups than it is of the internal content of the ethnic categories (Loomba,
1998; Thieme, 2003). For example, Mbembe (1999) reveals that multiple and changing
identities are being negotiated daily through war, migration, intellectual enterprise, and
globalization. Post-colonial theorists have also contested the notion of polarized firm
distinctions between men and women as fixed, discrete and unitary categories and the
universalist prescriptions in European forms of knowledge. They privilege the idea that
gender identities are achieved through discourse, performance and repetition (or discursive
production of difference) rather than being real entities. These frameworks read
inequalities and differences not just between and but within class, sexuality, ethnicity, age,
dis/ability, and nationality, religion and citizenship status (Rosenblum Karen & Travis
Toni-Michelle (2000); Pilcher & Whelehan, 2004: X-Xii; 56-59; Kisiang'ani, 2004:9-26).
2.2.2 Theories of Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflicts
The primordialist account of ethnicity postulates that ethnicity "exists in nature, outside of
time" (Smith, 1991 :20). Keyes (1981) argues that ethnicity is a primordial innate
37
phenomenon that obtains in underdeveloped formations. Van de Berghe (1992) puts
forward the cultural and socio-biological explanation of ethnic identity as an extension of
biological kinship (Quoted from Hutchinson & Smith, 1994:48; 96-103). Overall, the
primordialist theoretical framework holds that given the exclusivist and discriminatory
claims, ethnicity tends to be conflictual. According to Smith, existing historical memories,
beliefs, heroic myths, traditions and symbols are simply a reconstruction of an ethnic past
(Ibid., 21-46). However, historical experience and available empirical research (Osaghae,
1995; Mamdani, 1996; 2002) indicate that ethnicity has been there from the time humans
entered society rendering the primordialist account of ethnicity as something peculiar to
underdeveloped societies indefensible. The other weakness of this theoretical framework is
the assumption that ethnicity is natural rather than a social construct. Finally, the theory
does not illustrate why ethnicity must always be conflict-ridden.
The instrumentalist approach to ethnic identity and ethnic conflicts incorporates
modernization school of thought and elite instrumentalist theory. For the modernization
theoretical framework, the continuing reality of ethnicity as a focus of people's social
identity and people's participation in politics poses an anomaly. There are two competing
explanations for the nature of ethnicity and ethnic conflicts. The first modernization
approach argues that ethnicity is destined to weaken or disappear once people are
increasingly exposed to the benefits of modernization. Hechter and Levi (1994:185-195),
for example, argue that expanded spatial mobility of labor, capital, goods, and services
would discourage the geographic concentration of any ethnic group and thereby facilitate
assimilation into a modem and universal social order.
38
Besides, Erickson (1964) envisaged a transcendence of social identities into a universal
human identity: "The utopia of our era predicts that man will be one aspect in one world,
with a universal identity to replace the illusory super identities which have divided him ... "
(Erickson, 1964:230). Yet many years later, the erosion of ethnic attachment and its
displacement by economic rationality as the motivational basis of peoples' behavior has
not come to pass. Hyden (1986) attributes ethnicity in Africa to the prevalence of pre-
capitalist modes of production. For him, the uncaptured peasantry constitutes the vast
majority of the population in most countries. This majority continues to be bound by the
'economy of affection'.
The second modernization approach opines that what triggers off ethnic conflict is the
competition for scarce public goods such as education, jobs, and promotion.
The other persuasive instrumentalist theoretical perspective on ethnicity treats it as a tool
for the elites. Elite instrumentalist theorists attribute the prevalence of ethnicity and ethnic
conflicts to the work of elites. Elites constitute a small, cohesive and privileged minority
within ethnic groups and classes who play active roles in socio-economic formation and
mobilization. The framework emphasizes the power efficacy of the ethnic weapon.
Scholars who subscribe to this framework such as Rothchild (1997) suggest that the central
motive behind most conflicts in Africa is the struggle for state power and the associated
benefits. Ethnicities are often manipulated and mobilized to serve the class and political
interests of the elites who tend to exaggerate ethnic differences and inequalities as a
legitimizing tool for struggle over power and resources. Depending on the location of a
group in the power grid, ethnic entrepreneurs and/or self-seeking politicians often exploit
39
and manipulate ethnic sentiments and solidarity in a way that increase the chances of
manifest ethnic conflict. This theory is quite informative but it fails to show why people
tend to be mobilized and are easily made to unleash violence on others who they deem not
to be in their group.
Constructivist theory argues that ethnicity is a recent invention in Africa, an invention. The
constructivists (Hobsbawn & Ranger, 1983; Anderson, 1983; Horowitz, 1985) argue that
the colonial state structured patterns of identity formation in society. Colonizers often
invented ethnic traditions for their natives in order to control them and to simply think
negatively about them or rather in order to divide and conquer them. Terence (1993:82)
moves away from the notion that ethnicity is an invention to suggest that in fact it is
merely imagination. He points out that Africa's ethnicity is the product of colonial fantasy
motivated by the desire on the part of the colonialists for manageable units. Prior to
colonialism, African polities were characterized by flexible and multiple systems of
identity (Ibid., 62). Vail (1989) argues that ethnic consciousness is an ideology like all
ideologies created over time. In South Africa, it was a response to the disruption of
African societal fabric (Cited in Ranger, 1993:70). Most of those who subscribe to the
constructivist framework blame ethnic conflicts on colonialism. The constructivists
approach is quite insightful especially on the role of colonialism in widening the divide
between different ethnicities but the framework seems to lack the requisite data on pre-
colonial ethnic formation and ethnic relations in Africa from a gendered perspective.
Classical Marxism regards ethnicity as subordinate to the class struggle between the
bourgeois and the proletariat but the national movements in Central, Eastern and Southern
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40
Europe (German and Italian Unity, the collapse of Austro-Hungarian empires, etc.) have
compelled Marxists to pay more attention to the national question (Marx, 1977; Bums,
1978). Marxists have contributed immensely to the 'National Question'. Neo-Marxists
have also highlighted the relevance of modes of articulation in the understanding of the
African condition particularly the interpellation of state power and ethnicity. Aseka (1989)
observes that the stunted nature of capitalism in Africa affects the nature of interaction
between the state and its citizens. He argues that political struggles and conflicts in
Western Kenya and elsewhere were fashioned by 'colonial capitalism'. Accordingly, he
argues that social conflicts within the pre-colonial Luhyia societies were minimal and they,
therefore, occurred on a small scale. However, colonial economic and political policies
influenced the Luhyia political behavior. His study demonstrates that because colonial
capitalism was inhibited, Luhyia politics became stunted characterized by parochialism,
ethnocentrism, regional sub-ethnic rivalries and jealousies.
The reviewed studies and theoretical frameworks indicate that ethnic identity and ethnic
conflicts are problems requiring explanation and urgent attention. Yet, previous studies
have mostly looked at ethnic conflicts as being the consequence of the dynamics of
colonialism and possibly the struggle for scarce resources and power, among other
explanations. However, evidence shows that there is more to conflict than the struggle over
resources and power.
41
2.2.3Spivak's Subaltern Theory
This study is guided by Gayatri Chakrovarty Spivak's subaltern theory. Spivak (1988),
based on post-colonialism, argues for the usefulness of a strategic essentialism when
embraced from the position of an oppressed group, who may seek a more positive and
challenging identity from such a stance when dealing with cultural explanations of
practices like sati and dowry murders in India. She best demonstrates the utility of her
subaltern theory to tackle themes of power and power relations by analyzing how subjects
are colonized by modes of address, how they are enlisted within discourses of identity and
excluded from the discourses of power. She suggests that the location of individuals within
the schema of power relations means that the voices of the 'powerful' are made audible by
blocking out the voice of the 'weaker' subjects who are sometimes do not allowed to
speak. She is critical of the suttee custom practiced in the nineteenth century where Hindu
widows were expected to express their fidelity and love for deceased husbands by joining
them on their funeral pyre. Those women who did not follow the customs of suttee were
sometimes forced into the pyre by their relatives.
Spivak further observes that the culture and customs of a patriarchal society assumed that
male privilege is normal, and both men and women in such societies may oppose the
challenges to patriarchal institutions. In fact, she reasons that the structures of patriarchy
could make it exceedingly hard for members to notice or concede that some of their
customs function in ways that discriminate against men and women. In her theory, she
takes an ambivalent position on the capacity of men and women victims to articulate their
experiences. In the main, her position appears to have been that the project of recovering
42
the 'subaltern' is best served by locating her separateness from the dominant processes.
According to Spivak's theory even within the powerful cadres, we also have the voiceless
just like we also have the powerful within the powerless. There are hierarchies in each
cadre. That being the case, Spivak's subaltern theory could aid in the engagement against
the status quo in the face of despair and discursive frameworks.
Spivak underscores the ability of the suppressed subjects, subalterns to VOIce their
experiences because subalterns speak. She recognizes that, subalterns cannot help but
narrate their condition and that this calls for the need to privilege their voices. The writing
of their experience amounts to a privileging of the suppressed voices to let such oppressed
and marginalized subjects speak. The dialectic of oppressor versus the oppressed must be
related to identity politics in a critical exercise of theorization of men and women's social
roles and activities. Such theorization of gender and ethnic defmed politics must bear in
mind the importance of reconstructing a language, which befittingly expresses men and
women's experiences in these two communities as a critical counterpoise to the dominant
man's story with the woman's story. It is important to examine how the man! woman binary
are constructed in these communities given their cultural histories and social dynamics of
power.
This study underscores the reality that gender like ethnicity and class belongs to the whole
social field of social relations in which hegemony is played out. Therefore, it has become
necessary to inquire into possible dimensions of gendered ethnicity and interrogate the
nature of the production of cultural differences between the Bukusu and Sabaot
communities as well as gender differences within each of them. Politico-economic
43
representations of these identities in various arenas and media are a critical subject that
calls for special social inquiry. Identities are therefore constituted within, not outside
representation and that is why our study is interested in exploring the ethnic construction
of not just cultural difference but also gender difference and their repercussions on men
and women within the Bukusu and Sabaot communities in Bungoma and Mt Elgon
districts respectively. The concepts of culture and cultural difference are appropriated and
employed in the study and defined in relation to ethnicity.
Ethnicity is gendered and negotiated through gender inequalities. Gender is a social factor
of immense variability, but does not constitute a pure field in its own right given the
complex manner in which it interacts with ethnicity and class. It is easily constituted as a
fundamental social category that structures all other fields. We have to articulate the view
that men and women who are able to express their situations of being and belonging
generate a type of politics that need to be grasped. We need to demonstrate how men and
women in fact, manage to amass symbolic capital of gender distinctiveness to overcome
their dominated subjectivities. This study therefore not only internalizes but also identifies
dominant social structures prevailing within our social field of study, which undermine
gender equity and social justice.
Spivak's Subaltern theory aides in unraveling and explaining four critical questions: First,
the theory explains how ethnic identities are constructed and how gender contributes to the
construction of Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities. Second, the theory explains how the
constructed gender specific ethnic identities are reinforced through symbols, myths and
rituals. Third, the theory helps to explain how the competition between the constructed and
44
reinforced gendered ethnic identities manifest in politics and the struggle for economic and
other resources. Finally, the theory explains why ethnic conflicts occur.
45
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
This chapter deals with the research design, research site, study population, sample and
sampling procedures, research instruments, data collection procedures, procedures for data
analysis, and the logistical and ethical considerations.
3.1 Research Design
This study was conducted using exploratory research design. According to McNabb
(2005:105-106), explanatory research design is a type of qualitative research conducted to ,
develop a casual explanation of some social phenomenon, interpret a cause and effect
relationship between two or more variables and explain differences in two or more group's
response.
3.2 Description of the Study Area
The study was conducted among the Bukusu and Sabaot communities who occupy
Bungoma North and Mt. Elgon districts of West em Province of Kenya. Bungoma District
is divided into seven administrative divisions namely, Kanduyi, Webuye, Sirisia, Kimilili,
Tongaren, Chwele and Bumula. The district is further sub-divided into 39 locations with
93 sub-locations. There are five constituencies in the district namely, Kanduyi, Sirisia,
Webuye, Kirnilili and Bumula (ROK, 2007). In recent years, the larger Bungoma District
has been subdivided into four Districts,_ Bungoma East (with headquarters at Webuye),
Bungoma North (Mukuyuni), Bungoma West (Chwele) and Bungoma South (Bungoma
town) (http://www.provincialadrninistration.go.ke/detail.php?op=9232). Mt Elgon District
46
on the hand is divided into four divisions namely, Kapsokwony, Kaptama, Kopsiro, and
Cheptais; eight locations; and twenty-four sub-locations. The district has only one
constituency whose boundaries are the same as those of the district boundary (ROP, 2002;
2007).
3.3 Scope and Limitations of the Study
This research was anchored on and basically involved interviews in two divisions, Chwele
(Bungoma District) and Kopsiro (Mt Elgon District). Kopsiro division has four locations
namely, Emia, Chepyuk, Chongeywo, and Kapkateny and twelve sub-locations, namely,
Korng'otuny, Chepkurkur, Kubura, Emia, Chepyuk, Kaimugul, Kapkurongo, Chongeywo,
Masaek, Teremi, Toywondet, and Cheptonon (Rop, 1997; 2002).
The two divisions, Chwele and Kopsiro, were purposively sampled out for the research
because they are the epicenter of contact and hostility. First, Chwele and Kopsiro divisions
are near each other in terms of geographical location thus allowing intermingling among
the two communities. Second, Chwele market in Chwele Division is the focal point for the
contact between the Bukusu and the Sabaot in terms of trade, communication and human
interaction. Moreover, some geographical locations in Kopsiro Division, namely
Gituamba, Kiborwa Forest, Chepkurkur, Chepyuk, Amaya and Kipsigon were used as
training camps for 'warriors'. Chwele market in Chwele Division acted as camp for
displaced persons during the ethnic strife. Finally, each division was not only sizeable
enough to raise the required proportionate size of the sample but had largely similar
population structure in terms of gender, ages, marital status, religion, ethnic group, and
levels of education
"----------- -
47
The study was limited in terms of scope and covered only two ethnic groups in Kenya and
their interaction may not be generalized to other communities outside Bungoma and Mt.
Elgon districts. The findings should be viewed as being specific to the Bukusu and the
Sabaot with generalizations being treated as loose patterns that might not apply to other
communities outside the researcher's scope.
3.4 Sampling Strategies and Procedure
The researcher sampled and held interviews with a total of 60 respondents categorized as
follows: Gender (66.7% male and 33.3% female) and ethnicity (41.7% Sabaot, 53.3%
Bukusu, 1.7% Munyala, 1.7% Kabras, and 1.7% Kamba). Interview schedules were
administered to the 60 respondents sampled as illustrated below.
Table 3.1: Sample of Respondents
Gender I
Ethnicity M F Total
Bukusu 22 (36.7%) 10 (16.7%) 32 (53.3%
Sabaot 16 (26.7%) 9 (15%) 25 (41.7%)
No comment 2 (3.4%) 1 (1.7%) 3(5.1%)
Total 40 (66.7%) 20 (33.3%) 60 (100%)
The study employed different sampling techniques. The selection of the study sample was
done as follows. From two selected divisions, a temporary list of prospective informants
from eight categories: religious leaders, government officials and political leaders, victims
of the ethnic strife, women group leaders, officials of CBOsINGOs, officials of clan
welfare groups, officials of gender equity initiatives, clan heads, traders and elders.
48
The sampling frame had eight categories of respondents. Eight out of over two hundred
religious leaders in charge of religious organizations were purposively sampled out for
interview with the criteria being their previous involvement in the relations between the
Bukusu and the Sabaot. The Coordinator, Sabaot Bible Translation & Literacy introduced
to the first respondent, the medical officer of Kopsiro Health Center who happened to be a
Reverend. Through him, using a snowball/mudball sampling method, other religious
leaders were identified as key informants.
Key informants who included six government officials and workers were purposively
sampled for interview the criterion being their knowledge of the Bukusu-Sabaot relations.
Those sampled included, among others, the District Officer- Chwele Division, the Chief-
Mukuyuni Location, the Assistant Chief - Toyowondet, the Adult Education Supervisor-
Chwele Division, Assistant Registration/Returning Officer Electoral Commission of Kenya
(ECK), and the Medical Officer- Kopsiro Health Centre.
Eight political and social leaders, the intelligentsia and the elderly were sampled and
interviewed. This category had parliamentary aspirants, gender equality activists, retired
civil servants, village elders and teachers. Elders provided information on the gender
power relationships overtime and the history and causes of ethnic conflicts among the
Bukusu and the Sabaot.
Nine women group leaders, officials of CBOslNGOs and officials of gender equality
initiatives were also purposively identified and interviewed. The criterion used was their
awareness of gender issues and the Bukusu-Sabaot relations.
49
Nine clan heads and members were purposively sampled and interviewed on the
composition, structure, functions and gender power relationships in the building blocks of
ethnicity (the family, lineage, clan and ethnic groups). They also provided pertinent
information on how ethnic identities are reinforced through symbols, myths and rituals.
Six respondents were purposively sampled one person per category from among the
farmers, livestock herders, traders, transporters and business-persons and interviewed on
the role of trade and exchange in the Bukusu-Sabaot relations and conflicts.
Six youths (aged between 12 and 30 years) were purposively sampled and interviewed on
the dynamics of ethnic identities and ethnic conflicts among the Bukusu and the Sabaot.
Finally, a semi-snowball approach and random sampling was used to identify 4
participants and 4 victims of ethnic clashes (both male and female). A total of 8
respondents (participants and clash victims) were purposively sampled and interviewed for
information on the motives for the clashes and their own experiences. Probability sampling
enabled each respondent (participant/clash victim) to have an equal chance of being
sampled and interviewed.
While the researcher had planned to sample and interview children of ages between 13 and
15 from each of the family of the ethnic clash victims visited on the challenges they faced
during the clashes, most of the young people were away at school and occupied in different
activities making it impossible to interview them.
The researcher had two Focus Group Discussions (FGDS). The first FGD was held in
Kopsiro Division (Mt Elgon District) with three respondents, two of them female and one
50
male and ethnicity (1 Sabaot, 1 Kabras and 1 Bukusu). The second FGD was held in
Chwele Division (Bungoma District) with seven respondents categorized as follows:
Gender (5 Female and 2 Male) and Ethnicity (5 Bukusu and 2 Sabaot). The first FGD
brought together a locational Maendeleo ya Wan awake representative/gender activist, the
secretary of a women group/gender activist and a primary school teacher. The second FGD
brought together officials of women groups, CBOsINGOs-Amkeni, adult literary
programmes, clan women welfare associations, Roman Catholic Church, gender equality
initiatives, HIV/AIDS initiatives, Old Kibichori Water Supply, and clans.
3.5 Research Instruments
Data for this study were basically gathered using two instruments for data collection,
namely, an interview schedule and focus group discussion guide.
3.5.1 Interview Guide
An interview guide (a written list of questions) consisting of both open and closed-ended
questions allowed the researcher to get a complete and detailed understanding of the issues
under research from the 60 respondents. The interview schedule was designed according
to the main themes of the study reflected in the objectives. The interview schedule is
provided in the appendix II.
3.5.2 Focus Group Discussion (FGD) Guide
The study benefited from FGDs administered on two separate groups of consisting of 3 (1
Sabaot, 1 Kabras and 1 Bukusu) and 7 (5 Bukusu and 2 Sabaot) people respectively. The
51
information gathered related to gender issues and the dynamics of ethnic identities and
ethnicconflicts among the Bukusu and the Sabaot. The items in the discussion consisted of
open-endedquestions. FGDS were used to crosscheck some information obtained through
interviews.
3.6 Data Collection
Thiswas an empirical study based on both written and oral sources of information. Sources
of data generally were differentiated into three categories: library search, observation and
interview.Primary data were obtained through conducting oral interviews using interview
schedules and then recording and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs). Second, secondary
datawere obtained from documents such as theses, dissertations, books, newspapers and
periodicals.
3.6.1Library search
This research benefited from several libraries including Moi Library at Kenyatta
University, Jomo Kenyatta Memorial Library at the University of Nairobi, British Council,
United States International University library, Catholic University and Kenya National
Libraryservices. Further review focused on scholarly books, theses, dissertations, journals,
periodicals, seminar and conference papers, public documents and official records, private
documents, local dailies, magazines, NGO reports and the internet.
52
3.6.2 Interviews
Oral interviews based on interview schedules were held to unravel the dynamics of
dominated gender experiences and to demonstrate how this social domination IS
legitimized and constituted in the experience of the Bukusu and Sabaot men and women
andhow this domination is given public utterance in the very being of ethnic but gendered
subjects. Recording of the interviews was through taking notes and tape-recording where
convenient. The oral interviews were conducted on an individual basis except in a few
cases, which required interpretation thus necessitating the presence of an interpreter.
Both interviews and focus group discussions were conducted in English and Kiswahili
(where applicable). However, vernacular languages were used where the respondents were
not conversant with Kiswahili and English.
3.7 Data Processing, Analysis and Interpretation
The pnmary data obtained using interview schedules recorded on the tapes were
transcribed and those in vernacular were translated into English. The cumulative data from
the primary and secondary sources was synthesized, critically examined to remove any
inconsistencies and then, the resultant data were subjected to content and statistical
analysis.
Content analysis was used to pinpoint key words or phrases to identify similarities and
differences through pattern matching to establish prepositions and themes.
53
Simple descriptive statistics was obtained using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences
(SPSS). Data presentation was in the form of frequency tables, bar graphs and pie charts.
Finally, conclusions were then drawn and appropriate recommendations made for further
research.
3.8 Problems Encountered
In both communities, the researcher was treated with unfailing kindness from the moment
of arrival but cautioned not to follow in the footsteps of a previous researcher whose
copious works were seen as biased in favor of the Bukusu. Even then, the researcher
encountered several problems in the course of the research. First, a difficult terrain and also
a poor road infrastructure that characterize the study area fortunately the Institute for
Research and Development (IRD-France) provided the means of transport to and from the
field. Second, the study area is also characteristically cold being mountainous and this
posed a challenge to the researcher. This challenge was overcome by wearing heavy
clothing and taking hot beverages. Third, collecting data from the women proved difficult
because they preferred that I interview the men whenever I found them in the company of
men. Thus, the women I sampled and interviewed were not proportional to the size of
women in each of the two divisions. I tried hard, however, to get as much information as I
could from the few women I succeeded in interviewing. Finally, some of the interviewees
requested anonymity and they were not included on the list of the interviewees.
54
CHAPTER FOUR
THE CONSTRUCTION OF ETHNIC IDENTITIES AMONG THE BUKUSU AND
SABAOT
4.1Introduction
Thischapter describes how the Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities are constructed and the
place of gender in these social constructs. The guiding assumption is that the unequal
relationships based on gender inform the construction of the separate ethnic identities
(ethnicities). The chapter begins with a brief look at the characteristics of the selected
sample.
4.2 Respondent's Profile
Table 4.1 summarizes the respondents grouped according to both gender and ethnicity. The
table shows that in terms of gender, the respondents were categorized as follows: 20
Female (33.3%) and 40 Male (66.7%). In terms of ethnicity, the respondents were grouped
as follows: 25 Sabaot (41.7%), 32 Bukusu (53.3%), 1 Munyala (1.7%), 1 Kabras (1.7%),
and 1 Kamba (1.7%).
55
Table 4.1: Gender by Ethnic Group of Respondents
Ethnic Group of Respondents
Gender Bukusu Sabaot Kamba Kabras Munyala Total
Male 23 15 1 0 1 40 (66.7%)
Female 9 10 0 1 0 20 (33.3%)
Total 32 (53.3% 25 (41.7%) 1 (1.7% 1 (1.7%) 1 (1.7%) 60 (100%)
Source: Field data
Table 4.2 captures occupation and highest level of education of the respondents. The
majority of the respondents 24 (40%) had attained secondary level of education and were
preoccupied in different activities such as farming, business, or salaried employment as
teachers and in other professions.
Table 4.2: Occupation by Level of Education of Respondents
Occupation Highest Level of Education
Illiterate Primary Secondary A'Level College University Total
Salaried 0 0 8 2 5 3 18 (30%)
Business 1 1 4 0 0 0 6 (10%)
FarmerlHerder 1 5 5 0 0 0 11 (18.7%)
Housewife 1 3 2 0 0 0 6 (10%)
Retired 0 2 1 1 0 2 6 (10%)
Village Elder 2 1 2 0 0 0 5 (8.5%)
56
Student 0 0 0 1 0 4 5 (8.5%)
Other 1 0 2 0 0 0 3 (5%)
Total 6 (10% 12 (20%) 24 (40%) 4 (6.7%) 5 8.3%) 9 (15%) 60 (100%)
Source: Field Data
Table 4.3 gives the age characteristics of the 60 respondents including the mean, median,
mode, standard deviation, minimum and maximum age. The mean age of the respondents
was 46 years. The youngest respondent was 21 years old and the oldest was 85 years old.
Table 4.3: Age Characteristics of the Respondents
A2:eCharacteristics Value 0/0
21-30 9 15
31-40 19 31.67
41-50 8 13.33
51 - 60 7 11.67
61+ 17 28.33
Mean 46.38
Median 41.50
Mode 31
I
,j,
j
"'I
Source: Field data
4.3 Gender in the Construction of Bukusu and Sabaot Identities: The Question of
Socialization
The study established that gender is relevant in the construction and manifestation of
ethnicity because the parameters that explain ethnicity among the Bukusu and the Sabaot
are evidently gender specific. Kinship groups such as the family, lineages, and clans that
together constitute either the Sabaot or the Bukusu are characterized by power differentials
57
infavour of men and this is one of the factor that inform and contribute to the construction
ofethnic identities.
During the fieldwork, it emerged that the basic structures of kinship and descent systems
are twofold: common ancestry, and the associated genealogies. Kanogo (2005) also
confirms this. Oral tradition has it that the two communities descended from some
mythical ancestor. The founding ancestors of both the Bukusu and the Sabaot are men.
Bukusu and Sabaot genealogies are basically those of men and the different categories of
genealogical information such as place names, occupations, family names (the surname),
first names, and dates often refer or have to do with men. The Bukusu clan genealogies
have the founding father of the Bukusu as Mubukusu son of Masaba. Similarly, the Sabaot
have mythical belief that they are descendants of Mosop, the mountain personified as the
son of the first being - the original prophet, Kingo (Kimasai, Kirui; Mobutu, 2005; OJ.).
The respondents were asked: What does your surname mean? Where does it come from?
Does your surname come from your mother's side or your father's? It emerged that
children of the same family are known by the name of their father (the surname) while a
married woman is known by the name of the husband. Therefore, an unmarried daughter
goes by the name of her father and on marriage, she adopts her husband's surname.
The study's fmdings demonstrates that patrilineality and patrilocality are the consequence
of the interaction between ethnicity and gender, which is characteristic of both the Bukusu
and the Sabaot communities. Agnatic kinship is a system in which one belongs to one's
father's lineage, and it generally involves the inheritance of property, names or titles
through the male line as well among the two communities.
58
Majority of the respondents said that the surname significantly aids in the assignation of
family, lineage and ethnic identity that is attained through the father or the husband. It was
further established that women do not bestow family, lineage and ethnic identity. All the
male respondents said they play a kinship role while all the female respondents said they
donot.
It is apparent that such a system favors men. It is this unequal relationship between men
and women that informs the construction of ethnic identities and manifest in the
constructed identities.
4.4Gender Structured Power Units among the Sabaot and the Bukusu
From the oral interviews it emerged that gender plays a decisive role in the construction of
the family, lineages, clans, tribes, and ethnic groups. Bukusu and Sabaot kinship system of
classification reckons kin relations based on the idea that children are descended from the
father. As such, the family and kinship groups at a broader level of understanding
constitute an ethnic group. Kakai (2000:49) uses the terms 'ethnicity' and 'ethnic group'
interchangeably which seems agreeable.
When groups of individuals are labeled as either Bukusu or Sabaot, structures of divisions
and disunity are created in the society where gender is the organizing concept in each of
the ingredients that together constitute ethnic groups. Were it that the genders are equal, it
would not be possible for gendered power units (the family, lineage, clan and larger ethnic
group) to be reproduced. Therefore, it will not make much difference if the respondents'
response was vice versa, i.e. men say they do not and the women say do. The first is
KENYATTA U IV R try u
59
patrilineal, the second is matrilineal, and in either case, distinct categories persist over time
based on gender. For example, Aseka (2001) notes that among the Yao and Mukua of
Tanzania husbands move to live with their wives' parents giving women enormous powers
(Cited in Kisiang'ani, 2004:21).
Kanogo (2005) notes that an unmarried girl in the Kikuyu community derives lineage
affiliation from the father while women become members of their husband's clans upon
marriage. Children born of mothers married to the father gain membership into the father's
lineage and clan. In recent years, however, this pattern seems to be changing with single
women combining masculine and feminine roles and giving forth their own identity to
their children. What partly informs this change is the fact that most Kikuyu women seldom
leave behind their children giving children a strong allegiance to their mothers rather than
to their fathers.
Below is a brief discussion of the gendered power units (the family, lineage, clan and
ethnic group) that together constitute Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic groups.
4.4.1 The Family
The family is the basic institution in the construction, reinforcement, crystallization,
legitimation of identities. Two adults or more and several children make up a family.
Members of the family are often related through ties of kinship and marriage. Ferris
(2005:3) underscores the fact that the family is crucial for it is within the family that values
are transmitted to boys and girls about the roles they are expected to play in society.
60
The nuclear family consists of father, mother and their children only. The African family
mostly is an extended family. According to respondents (Mutaki; Wamalabe,
Wamunyokoli, Munyole, Simiyu, 2005; 0.1.), among the Bukusu, the basic social unit is
the household that could consist of a man and a wife (or several wives) with several
children and extended family members joined through marriage or blood relationship. The
father is the head of a single household and often has one or several wives. The man being
the head of the family is responsible for carrying out religious rituals on behalf of the
entire family.
Similarly, respondents (Kimasai, Mobutu, Kirong', Takur, 2005; 0.1.) said that a
household is constituted by all persons sharing a home, and sometimes consists of one or
several separate dwelling units. The father is the recognized head of any social unit; he also
often owns the basic resources. A polygamous man is expected to build a separate house
for each wife and he almost always builts another house if he has a daughter above the age
of twelve, for he should not sleep in the same house with such a girl (the same was and still
is the case with the Bukusu). After puberty rituals, boys as a rule do not sleep in the same
house with their parents, sisters or female relatives. A widowed mother who lives with her
son (more rarely her daughter) will always have a separate house, for a man cannot sleep in
the same house with either his mother or his mother-in-law. In such scenarios young girls
share the house with her.
Among both the Bukusu and the Sabaot, polygamy and the extended families seem to be
giving way to monogamous marriage and nuclear families respectively in cities and towns.
Informants (Wasai, Ndiwa, Naibei, 2005) cite the influence of religion, the cost of living,
61
children's education and the cost of maintaining more than one wife as some of the major
reasons for the apparent change. In oral interviews, it emerged that most of the educated
live in town although some still maintain residential houses in rural areas.
The standard expectation among the Bukusu and the Sabaot is that the man is dominant in
the marital relationship and the woman subservient. This order is maintained through
institutional regulations i.e. socialization, and through myths, symbols, and rituals, among
others. Violations, though not absent, normally could lead to sanctions. Nevertheless,
Bukusu and Sabaot women negotiate power by either perpetuating or subverting gender
roles in the family and as such, women are not powerless given their roles in the running
the household. Women as mothers also possess symbolic power over their children and
husbands. Most importantly, it emerged that the family through its socialization function
serves to moderate the relations between the genders and generations. In the process, the
family acts as the building block of lineages.
4.4.2 The Lineage
Several closely related families constitute a lineage. Bukusu and Sabaot lineages trace their
descent from known common ancestors through the line of the father. Strictly speaking, a
lineage is basically composed of family heads that are principally men. The Bukusu are a
)
patrilineal society. Likewise, the Sabaot are a patrilineal group. In both communities, the
father is the head of the family and the children take their father's line of descent. An
unmarried girl belongs to the clan of her father. Once a woman is married she functionally
identifies with the clan of her husband, but does not loose her membership in her father's
62
clan (Kiboi; Takur; Mobutu, Munialo; Kirong', 2005; 0.1). For Kimalewa (2005: 0.1)
'Even after her death her spirit belongs to her husband's line of descent'.
Among the Bukusu, one may only marry or get married outside their lineage for those
within the same lineage are regarded as brothers and sisters. Children of siblings of the
same sex, and children of siblings of the opposite sex, are distinguished by different terms.
Non-relatives of the father's generation are normally distinguished in recognition of the
differences in power and honor, as a sign of respect. Referring to each relative by a
separate term suggests that the distinctions are relevant for a person's sexual behavior.
Sexual relations between relatives (parents, siblings, aunts, cousins, uncles, etc.) or
between adults and children are prohibited (Wasai; Kimalewa; Mulongo; 2005; 0.1).
The Sabaot distinguish between maternal and paternal kin on the basis of gender of the link
regardless of generation. The father is merged with father's brother, the mother with the
mother's sister. The amalgamation of terms for parents and their same-sex siblings has the
effect of highlighting lineage solidarity. Among the Bukusu and the Sabaot, the mother's
lineage (or rather her father's lineage) is relatively unimportant relative to the father's
lineage (Kirui; Bera; Wepukhulu; Mulongo; 2005; 0.1).
Informants (Bera; Kirui; Wasai; Munialo; Kimalewa; 2005; 0.1) from the Bukusu and the
Sabaot communities intimated that children take on the name of the father as the family
name (patronymics) that allows identification of an individual based on the father's name.
Children may sometimes take or be given stepparent, foster parent, or adoptive parent
names. Women in the two communities have routinely used their spouse's surnames. Their
birth ("maiden") name may be reflected in their middle name; or dropped entirely. While
63
Christianity and Western education are have made women in the two communities to adopt
their husbands' names hence further subordinating them, it is clear is that even before
colonialism, women and children belonged to the husband's lineage and were so identified.
For example, one Bukusu informant (Simiyu, 2005; OJ) in reference to her female child
said: 'Omwana wase wesikhana katekha Mubalonja' (my daughter is married among
Balonja). All the respondents cited in this work have used their surnames and it is not
possible to know their sex unless you come across their first names (sometimes baptismal
names).
In the lineages, men still hold dominant positions in political and administrative structures.
Despite this reality, women's roles are changing with some attempting to become chiefs.
One respondent (Kaberio, 2005, OJ) informed the researcher that she was unfairly denied
the position of chief just a few weeks before the interview for the research took place, and
this is a significant development in the empowerment of women.
4.4.3The Clan
Several lineages among the Bukusu or the Sabaot constitute a local group or a sub-clan.
Sub-clans are named social entities that bring together lineages that have the same
ancestor A group of sub-clans constitute a clan such as Bamwaya. Historically, the clan in
the Bukusu and Sabaot communities was the most important political and military
organization. Each clan was autonomous in terms of leadership and determined all aspects
of political, economic, social and religious life of its members. Makila (1978: 66) provide
the clans and sub-clans that constitute the Bukusu.
64
Respondents (Wamalabe, Tenderesi; Mobutu, 2005: OJ.) intimated that clans among the
Bukusu and the Sabaot playa major role in regulating marriage by prohibiting marriage to
any member from own matriclan or patriclan. Clans tend to exclude, discriminate and
restrict membership to only those born of their blood. This sentiment is important when
considering illegitimacy. Clan survival is deemed to be in danger when a man of a different
clan fathers a boy. If the child is a girl, clan continuity is not jeopardized since she will
never pass on her identity to her offspring. The implication of this is that women never
bestow identity, each clan is composed of the descendants of a single male founder, and
clan names are derived from mythical accounts or some habit or practice attributed to the
founder. The natal clan of the individual's mother is of little relevance.
As a rule, women among the Bukusu and the Sabaot do not originate clans as such their
names are merely used for convention. For instance, legends have it that the different
mothers married to the same father determined the identity of Bakitwika clusters or
branches. The clans in question are Bakwanga, Bakitang'a, Basaliha, Baluleti, Banabobi.
This naming which incorporates mothers does not affect the power matrix and only serves
to distinguish children born of different mothers. This example demonstrates the gender
bias among the Bukusu in originating clans. Women take the clan affiliation of their
fathers from birth, but upon marriage, she is incorporated into her husband's family and
takes his clan identity. The children's only legitimate right is to affiliate with the father's
family. If a woman commits a murder, vengeance or compensation is claimed from her
father's clan, not her husband's. Yet a woman is subject to revenge for a crime committed
by a member of her natal clan. If a woman has difficulties with her husband, she seeks
65
support from her natal clansmen. For the main part, a woman's clan affiliation seems rela-
tively insignificant.
Historically, the two communities did little to empower their women. As such, women
were rated lowly and played minimal role in societal leadership. For example, among the
Bukusu, women could at most act as witnesses but could not deliver judgment (Kimasai,
Mobutu, Kirong', Takur, 2005; OJ.). The parameters that were used to measure social
standing and leadership qualities favoured the male gender. Outstanding prestige and status
was based on age, economic wealth (cattle, sheep and goats), granaries filled with produce,
reputation gained as a warrior (number of people killed in the battlefield and the number of
animals brought home and the number of marriage partners (Kaberio, 2005, OJ).
However, the most pervasive control over women now is accomplished through the control
over land - patrilineality and patrilocality.
In the two communities, women are not members of clan councils and as such do not
formally participate in the decision-making process. During the fieldwork, the researcher
observed that women have formed clan-based welfare groups. These groups are tied to the
clan of the husband or the father. Even then, they only have nominal membership to the
clan, and cannot in their own capacity participate in decision-making. One Sabaot female
informant (Kirong', 2005; OJ.) said that she asked her father (a clan head) why she could
not gain membership in her patriclan and was rebuked and told to mind her own business.
On further probing, the respondent admitted that she did not give this reaction much
thought at the time, other than mentioning it from time to time to people. Among the
Bukusu, women are not allowed to attend leadership councils. One informant (Machani,
66
2005; 0.1.) vowed that if his sister insisted on attending he would beat her up. He could not
imagine women listening on men matters. This view was supported by nearly all
informants and is evidenced by membership to leadership or clan councils where only men
are represented. Among the Sabaot, leadership was mostly confmed to mature men (Kiboi;
Wamunyokoli; Wepukhulu; Naibei; Kirong', Takur, 2005; 0.1.).
The composition of clan leadership councils is important in ethnic relations. Indeed,
scholars have noted that traditional institutions such as clan councils helped in the
maintenance of peace and social cohesion. For example, Mbennah (2002) underscores the
crucial role of clan elders and clan-based eldership system that functioned to reconcile ,..
<.,
people in conflict and settled disputes. Yet only adult married men had access to this
institution among the Bukusu and the Sabaot. Age and gender determined if one could gain
membership of these institutions.
4.4.4 Ethnic Groups
The Bukusu and the Sabaot ethnic groups are heterogeneous having incorporated in their
fold aliens who drifted into the tribal orbit during either peaceful times or following
periods of social upheavals, such as war, famine and epidemic. Respondents detailed how
war captives have contributed to the formation of sub-clans as their descendants become
commonly referred to as children of such and such ancestry. Often they first assume the
host's clan's name and they append their own maternal or paternal origins to make a clear
distinction of their background. Male captives were given brides by foster parent~volve
into complete clans within the ethnic community. Refugee clans unlike individual aliens
tend to inherit original clan names and only changed their ethnic affiliation by adopting
67
either Bukusu or Sabaot language, basic traditions such as circumcision adhered to basic
tenets of the Bukusu culture. The respondents mentioned several prominent and wealthy
individuals (men) among the Bukusu and the Sabaot who it was believed were not
originally either Bukusu or Sabaot but who are now assimilated. This informs the popular
phrase among the Bukusu "lirango lye njofu' (thigh of the elephant) and because some of
those adopted came from unknown paternal or maternal backgrounds, the Bukusu
commonly refer to themselves as 'Siyanja barende' (the people who are welcoming to
strangers). This was a means of increasing clan size for purposes of defense in times of
external threat.
From the fieldwork, it emerged that the privileging of the male gender and assimilation are
critical aspects for the continuity of an ethnic identity (Kiboi; Wamunyokoli; Wepukhulu;
Naibei; Kirong', Takur, 2005; OJ.). Even in the face of massive assimilation of aliens or
through intermarriage, the ethnic identity is secured on a solid rock because assimilated
immigrants and women do not bestow their own ethnic identity. When a Sabaot woman
(identity of the father) marries a Bukusu man, her children usually become Bukusu.
Similarly, when a Sabaot man marries a Bukusu woman, her children as a rule assume the
identity of the father. However, when a Bukusu man goes to war, he invokes the name of
the mother and maternal uncles rather than the name of the father or the paternal uncles.
These findings also apply among the Sabaot. This is a significant factor, which may be
interpreted as the celebration of motherhood and the motherland.
Marie (1993: 47), Gordon (1996), and Kanogo (2005) observe that the power relations in
marital, kinship and ethnic cohesiveness in patrlineal and patrilocal communities favors the
68
male gender. It has emerged that the family is partly meant to provide emotional ties but at
the core of marriage and the family is sex, and that is why, variations in marriages are
normally considered to be mating systems (i.e. nuclear, polygamy, polyandry etc.). The
most conspicuous aspect of the family is the restrictions on who can have sex with whom
(e.g. the incest taboo and the consequent identification of family members and relatives
(father, mother, cousin, aunt, uncle etc.). The French theoretician Michel Foucault in
History of Sexuality extensively discussed the problematic of sex and power relations
within the human family. He points out that sex is a form of control to define or enhance
certain power relations of domination and oppression (Foucault, 1979:43).
Spivak (1988), on her part, critiques Foucault, Deleuze and Guattari in her 'Writing
Ethnicity' for confusing two distinct senses of representation. She does not disavow the
reality of ethnic entrepreneurs. She, however, argues that the notion of subaltern could be
applied to the study of gender and ethnicity. The concept of subaltern provides the basis
for a general theory of consciousness by emphasizing the negative, repressive aspects of
ethnicity and nationalism. In this way, it is possible to retrieve subaltern experience. As
such, the findings of this study illustrates how this domination is given public utterance in
the very being of ethnic but gendered subjects, the majority of whom may justifiably bear
the subaltern label.
4.5 Conclusion
This chapter has discussed how given the unequal power relations between men and
women among the Bukusu and the Sabaot, gender informs the construction of separate
ethnic identities and also engenders unequal access to social, economic and political power
69
between men and women. It emerged that women tend to be excluded from political
authority and of recent to land. The research findings also show that the Bukusu and
Sabaot ethnic identities subtly tell us who can or cannot carry on sexual relations smoothly.
The persistence of the family is assured by the incest taboo that limits friction within the
family and thus pre-empting competition among closely related people. Exogamy is the
extension of the incest taboo to the lineage and sometimes (sub-clans). Endogamy, on the
other hand, aims to encourage solidarity within a clan relative to the external 'other'.
Accordingly, Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities discourage sex relations with non-
members.
Therefore, the Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities are structured in such a way as to
externalize conflict through regulations of sexual relationships through socialization
(taboos, sanctions, etc.). In the process of externalizing conflicts, ethnic identities (whose
parameters are the family, lineages, clans, tribes, ethnic groups) are constructed. In times
of perceived threats, members of specific gender-based ethnic groups gang up against
members of other similarly constructed ethnic identities to ensure the survival and
continuity of the individual members within the specific ethnic identities.
70
CHAPTER FIVE
THE ROLE OF GENDER-SPECIFIC SYMBOLS, MYTHS AND RITUALS IN
REINFORCING CONSTRUCTED ETHNIC IDENTITIES
This chapter demonstrates how the Bukusu and Sabaot constructed identities are reinforced
through symbols, myths and rituals as informed by gender. It is an interrogation and
exploration of these two communities' cultural practices that effectively distinguish ethnic
groups as having separate identities, and that help rationalize or mobilize Bukusu and
Sabaot ethnic identities to experience conflict.
Aseka (2006) points out that on the basis of the Mexico Declaration of 1982, culture is
broadly understood to include: (1) ways of life, (2) traditions and beliefs, (3)
representations of health and disease, (4) perceptions of life and death, (5) sexual norms
and practices, (6) power and gender relations, (7) family structures, (8) languages and
means of communication and (9) arts and creativity and material culture. Mamdani
(2002:1-50) distinguishes between ethnicity as a cultural identity (an identity based on a
shared culture) from ethnicity as a political identity (an identity enforced by the coercive
legal and administrative machinery of the state). He suggested that ethnicity as a cultural
identity is consensual, voluntary and is characterized by multiple identities but as a
political identity, it helps fragment and discriminate various ethnicities.
For Aseka (2006) and Mamdani (2002), culture is an asset, the collective pattern of living
and conveying the norms and values handed from generation to generation in any society.
This study agrees with them, but will highlight aspects of the culture of the two
71
communities that legitimize the dominant role of men. The best example is the requirement
(ritual) among the Bukusu and the Sabaot that a recently widowed woman had to dance on
her husband's grave to prove her fidelity during her marriage to the deceased. This study
following Spivak, argues that sexual and gender divisions are reproduced in some cultural
activities. Spivak's Subaltern theory used gender as an analytical category to evaluate the
prevailing cultural explanations of practices like sati and dowry murders in India in her
attempts to retrieve subaltern voices. She observes that culture is a site of localized
struggles and transformations.
Symbols, myths and rituals are an integral dimension of human life. The human experience
in social, economic, psychological, political and religious spheres is actualized in terms of
symbolic constructions, myths, celebrations and rituals. Symbolic forms and the processes
of their appropriation in songs, dances, totems, initiation rites, manner of dressing,
greetings, language, to mention a few, in turn help to reinforce the separateness of the
constructed Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic and other identities and influence how they perceive
each other.
5.2 Symbols, Myths and Rituals among the Bukusu and the Sabaot
The study's findings indicate that the respondents belonging to either the Bukusu or the
Sabaot ethnic identity consider symbols, myths and rituals to be crucial to their identity as
an ethnic identity.
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5.2.1 Symbols
The Bukusu and the Sabaot communities have different symbols. Some of these include
plants, artifacts, animals (and animal products), language, land, and geographical
boundary, among others. For example, dogs are normally sacrificed for peacemaking
between enemy communities and! or clans within them. Still, the leopard and lion are
important elements in circumcision. The leopard and lion are symbolic representations of
the struggle between women and men. This struggle is ideologically relevant given the
contest or exertion of power between men and women within the Sabaot community. The
secret ritual that marks the emergence from initiate's status is separate for the boys and the
girls; indeed, this separateness is its major import. The boys are introduced to the "lion"
while the girls are introduced to the "leopard" (melilo). The males meet in the bush away
from houses, the females in a tightly closed house. The gender significance of dogs,
leopards and lions comes from the association of these animals with human males and
females. The researcher established that these create the impression that a lion is superior
to the inferior leopard. Overall, symbols playa significant role in the relations among the
two communities (Maiba; Naibei; Kirong'; Ndiwa; 2005, 0.1).
Language is symbolic, as it constitutes the substitution of words for objects and
incorporates audible symbols that people use to communicate and organize their
experience. Language is central to the formation of social identity. At its most basic level,
words in a language distinguish the various identifies such as man/woman; girl/boy; and
Bukusu/Sabaot, etc. Names, status, and so on are marked linguistically by gender. For
73
example, there are gender-specific words denoting father, mother, grandfather,
grandmother, uncle, aunt, son, daughter, brother and sister.
Language scholars emphasized the role of language in the construction of identities, and
traced the histories of communities. Linguists (for example, Joseph Greenberg, Malcom
Guthre and Christopher Ehret) used language as the basis of explaining identities and
processes of identity construction. For example, Ehret (1971:119-133) used loan-words,
loan sounds and archeological research to re-construct language groups in Africa thereby
ushering in several identities including but not limited to twelve ethno linguistic
communities or linguistic families such as Bantu, Cushites, and Nilotes; supra-language
entities such as Kalenjin and Luhyia; ethnic groups such as Bukusu and Sabaot; and
dialects such as Koony, Book, Sabiiny, Bong'om, Mosop and Someek, among others (See
Sabaot Dictionary, 1996).
The main languages spoken between the two ethnic identities are Sabaot (variants),
Bukusu and Swahili. Table 5.1 shows that only 6.7% of the respondents know both Bukusu
and Sabaot languages. Majority of the respondents know either the Bukusu language
51.7% or the Sabaot language 40%.
Table 5.1: Familiarity with Language
Familiarity with Language Frequency %
Bukusu 31 51.7
Sabaot 24 40.0
Both 4 6.7
None 1 1.7
Total 60 100.0
74
Respondents (Machani; Mukenya; Wamunyokoli; Naibei; Kirong; Ndiwa; Kirui; Kimai;
Sitati; Kimalewa; 2005, K.I) point out that language is often a factor in the conflicts
between the Bukusu and the Sabaot. The Bukusu have nicknamed the Sabaot Omuyobo or
Bayobo / Biyobo, singular and plural respectively, to describe the unintelligible way they
speak. The term Bayobo is mostly viewed as a derogatory categorization while the term
Biyobo is a derogatory abuse. Of course, the Sabaot hate it and in turn tend to view the
Bukusu as 'lemek' meaning enemies, 'poor' people or aliens. Kakai (2000:69) notes that
language as a cultural facet can either unite or divide speakers who speak the same or
different languages.
The Bukusu and the Sabaot attach a lot of value to land because of its symbolic nature.
Land is a symbol of family roots and their rootedness in a particular territory. Land is thus
more than just mere material possession, for land confers to the owner both economic and
social status. More often than not one's land is where one's ancestors died and are buried.
In patrilineal communities, descent coincides with patrilocal settlement. The expectation
according to respondents (Chepkondol; Kitur; Mobutu; Wamalabe; Wamunyokoli; 2005:
0.1) is that all inhabitants of the particular territory share a common ancestry. Members of
many ethnic identities do not like 'foreigners' to inhabit their land whether on lease, rent,
or purchase terms. The Bukusu and the Sabaot ethnic identities conflict over who first
inhabited and therefore is entitled to occupy particular territories or own land in specific
geographical locations. Research findings show that of late land is owned, inherited and
fought over by men in the two communities. This applies to most ethnic groups in Kenya.
75
Skulls and other human skeletons are humanity's foremost symbol of death. Settlement of
dead bodies is a symbolic exercise that has been with human beings for all time perhaps as
an indication of the fear of demise. Burial grounds are accordingly revered. In most places,
before the onset of significant decay, the body undergoes some type of ritual disposal,
usually either cremation or deposition in a tomb or grave. Some writers (Huntingford,
1953; Were, 1967a; 1767b; Makila, 1986) have highlighted the fact that among the Sabaot
when a person died there was no burial. Some have even gone ahead to conclude that
Sabaot could be a weird species of humankind for showing disrespect to the deceased and
to individuals, who were grossly ill, close to death. In fact, linguistic historians such as
Ehret (1971: 119-133) in order to distinguish between the Bukusu and the Sabaot used this
idea. The same issue has been a ground for conflicts between the two communities with
the Sabaot claiming that the Bukusu despise them for untoward behaviour. Nowadays, the
Sabaot mourn and bury their dead. Nonetheless, according to respondents (Simotwo;
Kimalewa; Takur; Kirui; Wamalabe; Mukenya; Kapareti; 2005; OJ) burial arrangements
for the two communities differ. For example, the Bukusu mourn their dead loudly and stay
at the bereaved family's home. On the contrary, the Sabaot mourn their dead in silence.
Besides, the Bukusu have elaborate funeral and post-burial rites. These differences tend to
reinforce the separateness of Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities and act as catalysts
during times of tensions and conflicts. Stereotypes associated with burial rites have
contributed to tense relations between the Bukusu and the Sabaot communities. This also
applies to most ethnic groups in Kenya.
Group names and totem symbolize the identifiability of specific groups in relation to other
groups. It emerged from the interviews and FGDs (Takur; Simotwo; Tenderesi; Wambete;
76
2005, OJ) that the Sabaot clans are totemic but the Bukusu clans are not. Informants
among the Sabaot showed particular plants, insects and animals that are deemed by their
clans to symbolize and identify the particular clan from other clans. This partially, perhaps,
explains why the various Sabaot clans are more likely to conflict than is the case with the
Bukusu.
The boy-child among the Bukusu and the Sabaot was a symbol of manliness and was
cherished because he could defend the community and served to preserve the ancestor's
existence in the spirit world by keeping alive his memory. The spear, a phallic symbolism,
features in some rituals like oathing and circumcision among the Bukusu and the Sabaot.
The spear is often given to male initiates to mark the end of puberty ritual for boys. The
symbolic value of the spear according to Kimalewa (2005: OJ) is to express the notion that
boys and men are expected to defend their communities from external aggression and to
protect women and children. The implication is that boys in the two communities are
socialized from early age to be defenders of the community or even initiate and conduct
wars in the name of the community. Women on the other hand symbolized peace
(Kimalewa; Simotwo; Takur; Kirui; Kirong; Naibei; Takur; 2005: OJ).
The Sabaot conferred to women the status of peacemakers. Women wore a belt, legaret
that was a symbol of peace and reconciliation. In situations of extreme violent conflict, the
woman would remove her belt and place it down. With this action, the warring groups or
individuals were expected to make peace and stop fighting each other. Some important
functions and rituals required the sacrifice or the participation of a virgin girl. Virgins were
also used as rewards to achievers in the community especially distinguished warriors.
77
Toweet (1979) and Mwanzi (1976:5) established that the same happens among the
Kipsigis.
Political functions are often symbolized by customs such as wearing of elder's ornaments
and robes especially when assuming special powers during public gatherings. The Bukusu
have special regalia that are worn by their leaders who in most cases are men. The elders'
regalia include the royal copper bracelet (kumukasa), the royal robe (ekutusi), the royal hat
(ekutwa), and the royal ivory bracelet (lichabe). Leadership symbolism also incorporated
various insignia such as the rhino's horn club (Sicholong'o), cowrie shell (esimbi), and the
covered royal robe (ekutusi). The highest prestige was conferred on the wearer of ekutusi,
ekhwere and epokoto emblems. Only men were authorized to access and use these symbols
(Makila, 1982:44; Wafula, 2000: 47). However, the confmement of power in the hands of
men in either identity perpetuates the competition between such men against other men in
other equally constructed identities then and now.
5.2.2 Myths
The Bukusu and Sabaot have myths that explain their origin and how the two communities
came to be where they are today. The two communities also have migration and other
myths. On the whole, there are similarities and dissimilarities between the origin,
migration and other myths within and between the Bukusu and the Sabaot. The most
striking similarity is the fact that both communities originated from the place vaguely
referred to as 'Misri' (Wafula, 2000:31). However, the migratory details somehow differ
based on the differences in terms of founding fathers. For instance, according to Makila
78
(1982:5), the earliest known ancestor of the Bukusu was Mundu who lived at Esibakala.
No myths of origin are associated with the female gender.
According to this study's findings, the origin, migration and other myths among the
Bukusu and the Sabaot are traced from the ancestry of the founding ancestors following
patrilineality and the genealogies that they provide are those of men. The importance of
this is to perpetuate separate identities in society and to legitimize prior rights to some
resources by people thus categorized. That being the case, origin, migration and other
myths have played a significant role in distinguishing the Sabaot from the Bukusu and they
remain sources of contestation and conflict. Non-gendered myths have been used to justify
or deny prior rights to land ownership among the Bukusu and the Sabaot. Because
inheritance is usually the preserve of men, these myths privilege property acquisition
through men.
5.2.3 Rituals
The significant phases of life include birth, initiation, marriage, old age, and death. These
life stages are associated with particular rituals. The rituals celebrated among the Sabaot
and the Bukusu to mark transition from one life stage to the next are childbirth (birthdays),
naming celebrations, puberty celebrations (initiation), marriage rituals (courtship and
weddings), parenthood, eldership, kinship relationships (identity rituals) and funeral rites.
Rituals are important in building group cohesion and solidarity in the face of internal or
external threat.
79
Childbirth among the Bukusu and the Sabaot marks the commencement of a person's life,
and hence the reverse of death. Childbirth rituals are by and large followed by rites for
newborns, such as naming ceremonies in the two communities. Naming ceremonies confer
a human status on the child as a new member of society and say publicly the paternity of
its custodians. The guardians as a rule have two sets of names in mind to be proclaimed
dependent on the gender of the newborn. The newly born children are named after their
relatives or to remember the circumstance of birth like wars, epidemics, eclipses, drought,
birth of twins, hunts, famine, locusts, forays, or time of birth (Kirui; Musia; Kiyen; Takur;
Kitelo; Juma; Simotwo, 2005; OJ). They are expected to inherit mannerisms of those after
whom they were named.
The complexity and fascination with the selection of names for newborns (birth names)
appears to be a worldwide phenomenon. Yet gender-specific names play a major role in
the relations between the Bukusu and the Sabaot communities and it is through names,
among others, that one can differentiate a Sabaot from a Bukusu. Children within the two
communities are socialized to play gender roles that are associated with gender-specific
names, which also distinguish members of either community. This is the practice in all
communities worldwide.
Puberty celebrations formalize the change from childhood to adulthood. Puberty rites
among the Bukusu and the Sabaot for males involve ceremonies such as circumcision.
Puberty rituals for women among the Sabaot involve a variety of procedures on the female
genitalia (See WHO, 1998). For the Sabaot and the Bukusu, circumcision is a rite of
passage observed by the whole community. Boys are circumcised (and girls among the
80
Sabaot undergo clitoridectomy) at the same time and are taken to be members of the same
age set. The age-set system was a male bonding pattern designed to create attitudes of
hostility that would have the secondary effect of reinforcing his ties with his age-mates.
The Sabaot women are often inducted into the same age-sets as their male counterparts.
However, their membership does not appear to be important either in the organization of
the society or in ordinary social intercourse. In fact, some women profess not to know the
age-set to which they belong. Women are mostly identified with the pinta of their
husbands (Kirui; Kiboi; Toskin; Kimungui; Kirui; Kimalewa, 2005; 0.1).
Research findings (Table 5.3) show that the circumcision among the Sabaot and the
Bukusu and clitoridectomy among the Sabaot women is the most conspicuous and critical
ritual. The most common reason to explain and justify circumcision is that circumcision
prepares one for adulthood. At circumcision, the initiates are given instructions on how to
live as mature people. Circumcision is also thought to help instill bravery and courage
among men who could then be relied on to protect their community. The Bukusu through
songs normally chastise cowardly men who fear the knife to immigrate to the Luo country
where circumcision is never practiced. The Sabaot, on their part, normally call upon
cowardly men and women to immigrate and live among the Teso who do not practice male
and female initiation rituals. After circumcision, the boys among the Sabaot are referred to
as warrior (Moran) and the young woman (Koket). Among the Bukusu, after circumcision,
the boy is referred to as Omusani. Circumcision is thus often associated with manliness
and bravery in both communities (Kimalewa; Kirong'; Naibei; Wamalabe; Mukenya;
Sitati; Waswa; 2005; 0.1).
81
Female circumcision is believed to annul or moderate sexual desires in women. Some
women informants (Naibei, Kirong', 2005; 0.1.) suggested that there is no difference
between a circumcised woman and an uncircumcised one in terms of pleasure, frequency
of sexual activity and the number of partners. The informants further suggested that in fact
circumcised women are more promiscuous than the uncircumcised ones. Majority of
women and men disagreed arguing that the opposite was the case. Aseka (2006) observes
that husbands whose wives are circumcised prefer to have sex with uncircumcised women.
This is because circumcision impacts sexuality because it undermines one's feelings and
experience of pleasure. Circumcision also reduces penile sensitivity in men. Weakened or
scarred vulva of the female sex organ can tear easily during sexual intercourse and the
circumcised women may suffer from urinary tract infections, reproductive tract infections
and painful intercourse. Finally, circumcision is physically related to the risk of HIV
infection especially given the danger posed by unsterilizsed instruments. Indeed, oral
interviewees (Naibei, Kirong', 2005; 0.1.) suggested that after three or so deliveries, most
circumcised women stop conceiving for fear of complications during delivery.
'1
The study established that if a Sabaot male married a Bukusu female (the Bukusu never
circumcise women), Sabaot women will make sure she undergoes the exercise. The
defenders of the custom are actually not the men but the older women for experience
indicates that majority of men find circumcised women "uninterested" in sex with advance
of years. Some informants (Kirong', Simotwo, 2005; 0.1) have attributed the practice to a
deep-rooted fear of elder women that the more attractive younger women might seduce
away their husbands and thus leave them without support. The research established that
this practice is n~rmally a source of conflict between the Sabaot and Bukusu with the latter
82
accusing their Sabaot counterparts of 'forcibly' circumcising their women. The stereotypes
that accompany the practice help inform the tensions among the Bukusu and the Sabaot
and helps explain why more Sabaot are marrying the Bukusu rather than the other way
round.
Most respondents (Sitati; Naibei; Kirong; Ndiwa; Toskin; Kimalewa; Kirui, Takur,
Chepkondol, Kimasaai, Mobutu; Waswa; Kimungui; Wamalabe; 2005; 0.1) intimated that
the variation in initiation rituals between the Sabaot and the Bukusu is a significant feature
that is often used to reinforce and cement their differences as separate ethnic identities and
"
contribute to conflicts between them. One variation is that the Bukusu circumcise their "j
.,,
boys every other harvesting season in the month of August while the Sabaot circumcise
their boys and girls twice every year August and December. But perhaps the most obvious
difference is that the Sabaot circumcise their women while the Bukusu do not. This has
sometimes been a factor in the conflicts between the two communities.
The informants further indicated that puberty rituals are also normally occasions for
socialization into the societal secrets and traditions where in most neighboring
communities attempt to express their superiority over their neighbors. Puberty rituals often
involve mocking songs, stereotypes and insults targeting the 'enemy'. The study
established that what the initiates learn during these rituals greatly influence their
perception of other communities. The Bukusu and the Sabaot tend to view each other with
disdain, suspicion and resentment. Nonetheless, their relationship is characterized by
interdependence.
KENYAT UNIV SI LI R y
83
Initiation rituals have been undergoing changes over time. Kakai (1992) in his study with
reference to the Tachoni observed that the changing times, human agency and factors
related to the natural environment had contributed to changes in age-set systems, post-
initiation nomenclature, among others.
Marriage has a special place and plays an important role among both the Bukusu and
Sabaot communities. Procreation and kinship are central to marriage. Through marriage,
the father's lineage is enriched by children born of mothers. Besides, marriage is a mark of
maturity. Marriage choice is normally constrained by the rules that influence the choice of
"
partners. Some of these rules restrict the choice that may be made by proscribing certain
.,.
persons as possible partners; some require marriage within defmed social category, kind of
persons who are preferred as partners. The rules help narrow the range of appropriate
mates from which the selection is made. Exogamy rule forbids individuals from marrying a
member of their kinship. Marriage guidelines also exclude from consideration for marriage
a broad circle of persons with whom sex is not necessarily forbidden.
Bukusu-Sabaot ethnic identities greatly influence the patterns of marriage choices. The
Bukusu and the Sabaot marry from either community with more Sabaot marring among the
Bukusu than the other way round. The FGD revealed that there are various reasons as to
why this is the case. First, most Bukusu inhabit Bungoma and Trans Nzoia districts which
have better infrastructure and more developed as compared to Mt Elgon district. Second,
Bungoma and Trans Nzoia districts have better and more opportunities and learning
facilities thus facilitate interaction and relationships. Third, the poor road and other
infrastructure make Mt Elgon District hard to access. Fourth, the prevalence of insecurity
84
because a good part of Mt Elgon District is a forest or uninhabited exposing visitors and
residents to attack. Fifth, women among the Bukusu do not wish to be 'forcibly'
circumcised and as such they refuse to marry Sabaot men. Finally, the clashes affected the
trust the two communities had in each other. Some women from the Bukusu community
tell of harrowing experiences during the clashes and readily advise anybody to marry
anywhere else but not among the Sabaot.
Findings in Tables 5.2 indicate that few respondents 16 (26.7%) readily admitted that they
were opposed to Bukusu-Sabaot intermarriage with 42 (70%) saying they were not
opposed to intermarriage.
Table 5.2: If Respondent Objects to Bukusu-Sabaot Intermarriage
Respondent - Objection to Frequency 0/0
Intermarrtage
Yes 16 26.7
No 42 70.0
No Opinion 2 3.3
Total 60 100.0
Ironically, most of the respondents intimated that other people other than the respondent
would object to such a marriage. Even then, as indicated in Table 5.3, 76.7 % of the
informants attest to the prevalence of Bukusu-Sabaot intermarriage while only 20% denied
its prevalence.
Table 5.3: Is Bukusu-Sabaot Intermarriage Prevalent?
Prevalence of Sabaot- Frequency %
Bukusu Iutermarriaze
Yes 46 76.7
No 12 20.0
No Opinion 2 3.3
Total 60 100.0
85
Kakai (2000) intimates that inter-marriage facilitates the cross-fertilization of cultural
values. He also observes that in the past, clitoridectomy practiced by the Sabaot when
introduced in non-practicing communities such as the Bukusu did not elicit much
opposition. Sabaot women folk would tease, deride and persuade brides from non-Sabaot
communities to undergo the ritual. However, from the 1990s, the practice has been the
source of conflicts between the Bukusu and the Sabaot.
5.3 Conclusion
The purpose of this chapter was to examine how gender-specific ethnic identities are
reinforced through symbols, myths, and rituals. It emerged that the constructed identities
tend to conflict over what they perceive as differences in the codification of experiences
and the meanings attached to life experiences. The codification of experience and the
meaning attached thereto is invariably called 'culture'. It also emerged that gender
specific-symbols, myths and rituals are an integral dimension of human life and help shape
how Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities perceive each other. They also influence the
index of intermarriage, self-categorization, social stereotyping and the relation between the
two communities.
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CHAPTER SIX
THE INTERPLAY OF GENDER AND ETHNICITY IN THE BUKUSU-SABAOT
CONFLICTS
This chapter presents and discusses research fmdings based on data collected from the field
to assess ways in which Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities interact and mutually
condition, augment, and challenge one another as manifested in Kenyan politics and
economic situations. The chapter also examines how institutions conflated with notions
and practices of masculinity interlock with femininity to mobilize the communities towards
ethnic strife. The focus is on how the interplay between gender and ethnicity largely
contributes to the emergence, escalation and persistence of ethnic conflicts among the
Bukusu and the Sabaot. Bukusu and Sabaot identities assign each gender dissimilar
degrees of social influence and status and when there are significant differences, the man's
roles are on average accorded greater standing in comparison to that of the woman.
The construction of ethnic identities also manifests unequal relationships between men and
woman but it usually unites one group in relation to all others. Usually, identity
construction brings about struggles and cooperation within and between ethnic groups.
These struggles between ethnic identifies are most often rationalized as the competition for
power, resources and recognition.
87
6.2 Political-Economic Representation of Gender Specific Ethnic Identities among the
Bukusu and Sabaot
Bukusu and Sabaot struggles in the political and economic spheres often revolve around
three issues. First, there are conflicts between Bukusu and Sabaot communities over which
of the two communities first inhabited the present Bungoma and Mt Elgon districts.
Second, there exist conflicting accounts of the role of the Bukusu and the Sabaot in the
establishment and perpetuation of colonialism and in the fight for independence in Kenya.
Finally, there exist conflicting accounts on the role of the Bukusu and the Sabaot in the
establishment of political pluralism in the early 1990s.
Gender, Land and Territorial Conflicts among the Bukusu and the Sabaot
Oral and written sources seem to contradict on whom between the Bukusu and the Sabaot
were the first to inhabit the present Bungoma and Mt. Elgon districts. Some elderly
respondents (Simotwo; Takur; Wambete; Kimasai; Kaberio; Wamunyokoli; Kiboi; 2005;
0.1) and (KNAIPC/NZAl211017:1931-51; Kakai (2000:35) suggest that during the pre-
colonial period, pastoral communities particularly the Sabaot were the principal inhabitants
of Trans Nzoia District and by extension the current Mt Elgon District but colonial policies
dislocated and encouraged the Bukusu and other communities to settle in these areas in
later years. But according to Makila (1982:7), 'the Bukusu were the original inhabitants of
Trans Nzoia District particularly in Uasin Gishu (Sirikwa highlands) with their Highland-
Nilote neighbors' [the Sabaot]. Other sources (Were, 1967a:49; 1967b:15-19; Wandibba,
1972; 1985; Simiyu, 1972:127) indicate the Bukusu and the Sabaot have lived side by side,
88
interacted and even intermarried and there was no clear demarcation between the two
communities.
Ethnic groups everywhere often claim to have rights to territory and territorial possessions
because they were the first to inhabit a specific location and some piece of land. According
to respondents (Tenderesi; Wambete; Sitati; Kiboi; Kirui, 2005; OJ), it is in this context
the contemporary debates among Bukusu and Sabaot Communities over which of the two
communities first inhabited their present habitations needs to be understood. Analysis of
available evidence suggest four reasons may help explain the Bukusu-Sabaot struggles in
the post-independence period.
First, there is agreement (Were, 1967b; Wolfe, 1969; Rothchild, 1973; Makila, 1986,
Aseka 1989; Wafula, 2000; Kakai, 2000:98-100), that the onset of the settler community
and the alienation of land tremendously affected the Bukusu-Sabaot relations in later years.
The Sabaot were confined to the upper moorlands of Mt. Elgon, where the Carter Land
Commission of 1932 recommended that an area of 40,000 acres on the moorland be
alienated as a "'Native Reserve" for them. This area was subsequently expanded to 42,500
acres. The confmement of the Sabaot to the upper moorlands of Mt. Elgon has not been
without complaint especially given the knowledge that the Sabaot were the original
inhabitants of the present Trans-Nzoia District, the most fertile part of the current Rift
Valley Province. In 1946, the Bukusu and the Sabaot clashed over Kimilili-Kamukuywa
boundary with the Sabaot accusing the Bukusu for encroaching on their land
(KNA/PCINZA/3/14/23:1944-49; Kakai, 2000:146-147). Later during the 1962
Boundaries Commission, the Sabaot leadership under Daniel Moss expressed their wish to
89
be administered from Trans Nzoia District and to be included in Rift valley Province
together with their fellow Kalenjins. The Bukusu under the leadership of Masinde Muliro
prevailed with the suggestion that the Sabaot should be retained in Western Province.
Subsequently, Mt Elgon was retained as a sub-district of Bungoma District until 1993. The
result was violence, cattle banditry, damage to property and the abandonment of KADU
(Kiliku, 1992:22; Wandibba, 1996:19; Kakai, 2000; 148; KNA.PC/NZA/4/14-15
Provincial and District Boundaries: 1962).
Second, land alienation was compounded with the change in land tenure from traditional
ownership of land to individual ownership; raising issues of land allocation, its scarcity
and determination of ownership. Nowadays according to respondents (Naibei; Kirong';
Kirui; Simotwo; Takur; Wambete; Kimasai; Kaberio; Wamunyokoli; Kiboi; 2005; 0.1)
land tenure depends on having the proper claim to use the land continuously. Food
production for the Sabaot and the Bukusu is by various economic activities including but
not restricted to cultivation (crop growing), stock keeping (animal husbandry), and bee
keeping. In pastoral societies, land, grazing fields, salt licks, public watering points, and
hunting grounds were freely available to all members of the group. Crop farming unlike
pastrolism changes the relation between people and land because the expectation is that
one has the right to use the land continuously and to exclude others from its use. Even the
Bukusu were affected particularly the change from collective pre-colonial land tenure
system to individual rights of access and control over land.
Third, when Kenya attained internal self-rule from the British, the government declared
certain frontier European farms in Trans Nzoia as settlement schemes for settling the
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landless. The settlement schemes created included Kamukuywa, Kibisi, Naitiri, Tongaren,
and Ndalu, Chereng'ani and Kwanza. Except for Cherang'ani and Kwanza schemes that
still remain in Trans-Nzoia District in Rift Valley Province, the other schemes that formed
a substantial proportion of land within Trans-Nzoia District were ceded to Western
Province (Kakai, 2000:147). Thereafter, with government support, other communities
managed to appropriate, either individually or through land-buying companies, nearly all
the former white settler-owned plantations in the Rift Valley (Leys, 1975: 57; 66; 73-84;
Ndegwa, 1998: 351-68). But the Sabaot community does not appear to have considered it
necessary to buy some of the land in the settlement schemes. By historical accident, they
became disadvantaged while other communities were able to acquire permanent residence
and secure titles to land ownership.
Fourth, ethnicity provides frameworks in which property ownership, property acquisition,
economic roles and external relations with other ethnic identities are determined. In the
traditional African society, the community owned resources, particularly land. Land
constituted an integral part of the political, economic and social life of the society. The
communal land tenure system among the Bukusu ensured that sections were open for use
by the entire community for instance grazing fields (chikewa), uncleared forests and those
yet cultivated salt licks (bilongo) and streams of water for animals. Individual members of
the community had exclusive rights over portions allocated to them but these rights were
restricted. Though farming was largely a woman's preoccupation, ownership and
inheritance of immovable property was restricted to males by virtue of traditional land
tenure laws. Women could only acquire the right to access the right to use land, livestock
and other forms of property within the confines of a working marriage. At the clan level, a
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clan elder (Omukasa) determined the clan's access to the land. Each man had a plot to
cultivate in the communal land and he got his share according to the number of women he
had. In times of famine, clan men could clear uncultivated land and work jointly to ensure
the survival of its membership (KNAIDC/NN/10/1/1940; Nasirniyu, 1984: 33; Kassily,
1999: 9: Wafula, 2000: 67).
This pattern is now changing and it is possible for women to own land among the Bukusu
and the Sabaot but only if they purchase it. Women were and are still involved in local and
external trade and could acquire livestock in their own right as gifts from a father or batter
surplus produce for cattle.
Today, land inheritance is still almost the preserve of men. The respondents were
unanimous that women do not own or inherit clan land. So, these struggles and the desire
by the Bukusu and the Sabaot to demarcate and even differentiate themselves from each
other is informed by notions of exclusive rights to territory and material aspects of human
survival only holds true until you realize women only cultivate land but ownership is the
preserve of men. As a family head, the man owns the land that is cultivated by the family
members. However, most times, it is women who work on the farms and the benefits
accrue actually to the owner of the land. Being patrilineal and patrilocal societies, both the
Bukusu and Sabaot inheritance rules only allow male children to inherit family property.
Female offsprings are not entitled to any family inheritance because the standard
expectation is that they (females) would get married elsewhere (Takur; Kirui; Kimalewa;
Wepukhulu; Kimasai; Mobutu; Wamalabe, 2005, 0.1).
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Land ownership and inheritance that privilege the male gender reflects and reinforces the
social inequalities among the Bukusu and the Sabaot. It also informs the conflicts between
the two communities. This is not to imply that if women owned land, there would be no
conflicts. For instance, Aseka (2001) observes that the fact that men among the Yao and
Mukua of Tanzania move to live with their wives parents only contributes to the
domination of women over their husbands (Cited in Kisiang'ani, 2004).
Access and control over land is often associated with boundaries. Simiyu (1972:127)
disputes the idea that there exists a boundary separating the Bukusu and Sabaot
communities. Kakai (2000:69) suggests that given the seemingly available pieces of
unoccupied land neighboring clans and ethnic communities were not barred in areas that
were not associated with their clans or ethnic communities. Nevertheless, evidence
(KNAlDCINZA/4/14/23) indicates that the Bukusu and Sabaot conflicted after the Sabaot
accused the Bukusu for encroaching on their land.
Research findings (Table 6.1) indicate that people from either community easily cross the
symbolic boundaries. Respondents (Naibei; Kirong'; 2005; Ndiwa; Simotwo; Simiyu;
2005; 0.1) mention trade as playing a major role to bring together the Bukusu and the
Sabaot. Traders at Chwele market, the meeting ground for the Bukusu and the Sabaot
communities, indicate that trade in farm produce, domesticated animals and manufactured
products acts as a check on previous aggressive tendencies.
Despite the easy mobility across the symbolic boundary that separates the Bukusu and the
Sabaot communities as Table 6.1 shows, 31 (51.7%) of the respondents said there exists
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subtle discrimination across ethnic boundaries while 16 (26.7%) said there exists outright
discrimination.
Table 6.1: Existence of Ethnic Discrimination across Symbolic Boundaries
Experience of Discrimination Frequency %across Ethnic Boundaries
Yes 16 26.7
No 11 18.3
Somewhat 31 51.7
Don't Know 2 3.3
Total 60 100.0
In the course of the research, it emerged (Table 6.2) that only 27 (45%) of the respondents
still reside at the places where they were born while the rest 31 (51.7%) had moved and
settled in new locations which show high mobility.
Table 6.2: If Respondent was Born at place of Current Residence
Born at Current Residence Frequency %
Yes 27 45.0
No 31 51.7
No Opinion 2 3.3
Total 60 100.0
Research findings (Table 6.3) also indicate that 32 (53.3%) of those who had moved and
settled in new areas did so as adults. Only 6 (6.6%) were children and teenagers.
Table 6.3: Age of Entry if not Born Here
Age at Entry in New Area Frequency %
0-12 2 3.3
13-19 2 3.3
19+ 32 53.3
Born here 4 6.7
Don't know 20 33.3
Total 60 100.0
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Research shows (Table 6.4) that resettlement occurred more among the Sabaot (68%) than
the Bukusu (37.5%). The implication is that more Sabaot respondents have settled in new
areas as compared to the Bukusu.
Table 6.4: Entry in terms of Ethnic Groups
Ethnic Group If Respondent was Born at Place of Current Residence
of Respondents
Yes No No opinion Total
Bukusu 20 (62.5%) 12 (37.5%) 1 (3.1%) 32
Sabaot 7 (28%) 17 (68%) 2 (8%) 25
Total 27 (45%) 31 (51.7%) 2 (3.3%) 60
Table 6.5 shows that both male and female moved from the original birthplace but the
reasons for movement were different. Most men are born and allocated land in the
neighborhood. The study's findings indicate that some male respondents still reside at the
places where they were born but some of them had moved and settled in new locations.
Most men moved in search of better opportunities and resources while most women moved
after they got married. Wives come to live in the husband's village not the other way
round. Accordingly, the men of the village are blood relatives of one another in most cases.
As such, it is not surprising that there is disproportionate access to political and
administrative positions, land and other socio-economic benefits for men and women
among the Bukusu and the Sabaot.
95
Table 6.5: Entry in terms of Gender
Gender If Respondent was Born at Place of Current Residence Total
Yes No No response
Male 23 (57.5%) 16 (40%) 1 (2.5%) 40
Female 4 (20%) 15 (75%) 1 (5%) 20
Total 27 (45%) 31 (51.7%) 2 (3.3%) 60
The reality of movement (Table 6.2) and resettlement (Tables 6.3 - 6.5) has not diminished
struggles for power and resources based on ethnicity among the Bukusu and the Sabaot.
During fieldwork, it emerged that 42 (70%) of the respondents (Table 6.6) in either
community have had problems leasing or purchasing land.
Table 6.6: If Respondent has experienced Problems in Leasing or Purchasing Land
Problems Experienced Frequency 0/0Leasing Land
Yes 42 70.0
No 12 20.0
N/A 6 10.0
Total 60 100.0
One informant (Tobokwo, 2005; OJ) was bitter after losing property worth millions of
shillings to raiders. While his father is a Bukusu, his mother is a Sabaot and he had
relatives among both Bukusu and the Sabaot. However, during the clashes, he alleges that
his mother abandoned him and sided with her 'fellow' Sabaots. Further, his 'relatives from
the Sabaot community are the ones who directed raiders to steal, destroy and burn his
property.
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Because descent coincides with patrilocal settlement, land inheritance, acquisition and
ownership among the Bukusu and the Sabaot remain the preserve of men thus fuelling
competition between lineages, clans and ethnic groups. Related males work together and
feel obliged to protect one another's common interests irrespective of how genuinely the
other party came into possession of the land. During the research, it emerged that the
interaction between the clans that constitute the Sabaot particularly Soi and Masopesiyek
(Masop/Dorobo) is not amicable. The source of frequent tensions between the two or more
clans was the 1965 government initiated Chebyuk settlement scheme that was meant to
benefit the 600 male-headed households among the Sabaot, particularly the Masopesiyek.
Prior to the 1970s, the Masopesiyek (Masop, or Dorobo) used to inhabit the uppermost
moorland (grassy highland) area above the forest belt. From 1971, the government
implemented a land resettlement scheme and moved the entire group of highlanders to
lower regions, which initially supported a wide range of wildlife such as elephants,
buffaloes and monkeys. The area was cleared for farming purposes with the exception of a
narrow upper band of the forest. The cleared forest belt now hosts several villages that
include Kopsiro, Emia, Kipsirok, and Kaptama. As recent as this year (2007), the clans that
constitute the Sabaot ethnic group perpetually conflict allegedly over land. The Bok, Kony
and Sabiiny feel that the Masopesiyek (Masop/Dorobo) people are the cause of conflicts in
the Mt Elgon area. They argue that "they were brought in the area recently and they now
claim that other clans have invaded the land given to them" (Kirui; Juma; Naibei; Kimai;
2005; OJ). The Masopesiyek (Masop/Dorobo), on their part, feel that their cousins despise
and want to dominate them. They argue that administrative positions and resources
reserved for them should not be appropriated by others feigning common ancestry
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(Tenderesi; Takur; Juma; Wambete; Simotwo; Kitelo; Kaberio; Musia; Kiyen; Chenjeni;
Moli; 2005; 0.1).
Bukusu-Sabaot Identity Struggles in the Wake of Political Pluralism in Kenya
The struggle for plural democracy was characterized by ethnic polarization, the formation
of ethno-regional parties and the creation of ethnic districts (Kakai, 2000: 195-196; Cowen
& Kanyinga, 2002; Maupeu, 2005:1). Most Bukusu were in the opposition while the
Sabaot remained steadfast in KANU. The prevailing perception was that if Masinde
Muliro, a Bukusu leader, ascended to power, the Sabaot would be driven to Uganda and
they would lose all their land. The fears of the Sabaot were immediately aroused. The
normal politics that people meet and exchange became a source of conflict. Most Bukusu
were optimistic that if FORD-K came to power, they stood to benefit while the Sabaot
were pessimistic about a FORD win arguing that it could dim their hopes and dreams.
With these conflicting perceptions, the seeds of conflicts and clashes were sown.
Many of the interviewees (Table 6.7) contended that the 1991/92 ethnic clashes between
the Bukusu and the Sabaot had less to do with land but more with politics. The issue of
land and resources was used to cloud the. real issue so that people could be mobilized.
Political entrepreneurs claimed that all non-indigenous ethnic groups who allegedly
supported the opposition had to be driven away from the Mt Elgon area to influence voting
patterns in the presidential, parliamentary and civic elections. The violence, therefore,
could be seen as strong-arm tactics used by the government to intimidate recalcitrant
opposition supporters. Only 6 (10%) said the clashes were about land against an
overwhelming 50 (83.3%) who said that the acts of violence were political.
98
Table 6.7: Causes of Ethnic Conflicts among the Bukusu and the Sabaot
Causes of Ethnic Conflicts Frequency %
Tribalism 1 1.7
Land 6 10.0
Politics 50 83.3
Don'tKnow 3 5.0
Total 60 100.0
Probably the interaction of youth (the participation of young men) and ethnicity (related
males/fraternal groups) were fertile grounds for the 1991/92 mayhem among the Bukusu
and the Sabaot. Evidence from the field (Kiboi; Takur; Mobutu, Munialo; Kimalewa;
Kirong', 2005; OJ) indicates that the Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic conflict of 1991/92 had an
explicit gender dimension given the involvement of related young males between 14 and
35 years who played a major role in co-ordination and conduct of the mayhem. The
participation of young people in wars seems to be a worldwide phenomenon and has
persisted across the ages (See Honwana, 1999).
The respondents (Kiboi; Takur; Mobutu, Munialo; Kimalewa; Kirong', 2005; OJ)
indicated that ethnic sentiments were manipulated for political ends. Aseka (1989) and
Gecaga (2001: 159-174) point out that colonial and post-independent Kenya's socio-
economic policies caused considerable rivalry between the various communities living in
the Rift Valley, Central and Western provinces. Land that was appropriated during the
colonial period led to the displacement of some ethnic groups. These tensions were
aggravated during the post-independence period due to politicized ethnicity and uneven
distribution of socio-economic benefits. Nzongola-Ntalaja (1997) also points out that the
condition for ethnic conflicts in Africa was created historically through colonial and post-
99
colonial government policies (See also Berman & Lonsdale, 1992; Lonsdale, 1994; Cowen
& Kanyinga, 2002, Kaarsholm , 2006: 1-2).
The Effects of Bukusu-Sabaot Struggles on Daily Life and the Democratic Process
The Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities as manifested in Kenyan politics and economic
situations tend to have adverse consequences on positive communication, mutual
understanding and co-operation within society. The FGD conducted with the Sabaot raised
the fact that "there is no inch of tarmac, electricity and other essential infrastructures" and
they blame this state of affairs on the Bukusu. On their part, the Bukusu blame the
Kalenjin (read the Sabaot) for their political marginalization during the reign of former
president Moi (Machani; Sitati; 2005; 0.1).
The grievances among the Sabaot are factual. The infrastructure in Mt Elgon District is in a
very sorry state. According to RoP (2002), there was a total of 345.5 kilometers of earth
and murram road in Mt Elgon District. The district has no railway line, no airport, no
airstrip, no waterway, and no bank facility. There are only 27 public service vehicles
plying the district. Only 55 households have electricity. To the Sabaot, the donkey has
been the main means of transport in the interior of the country where roads are too poor for
motor vehicles. The Bukusu are also justified in their claim of marginalization.
Nevertheless, both communities are wrong to blame each other for the grievances they
have against the state.
Mt Elgon District has many springs such as Kamukuywa, Sosio, Kimilili, Kibisi, Kuywa
(Terem), Kapkateny, Malakisi, Siti and Lwakhakha that collect water from district and
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then drain into neighbouring Bungoma District (RoP, 2002). The Bukusu depend on rivers
originating from sources located within Sabaot territory for drinking water. The water falls
under the Old Kibichori Community Water Supply whose officials are elected at intervals.
The Bukusu (Machani; Sitati; Kimalewa; Kimungui; 2005; 0.1) believe that the Sabaot
would deliberately contaminate the water at the source by dumping dead donkeys in it
causing the community to be afflicted by typhoid. The Sabaot (Ng'ania; Kirui; Sitati;
Machani; Wamunyokoli; Baraza; Kiboi; Wanjala; Bwobi; Maiba; 2005; 0.1) deny these
accusations arguing that in fact the water only benefits their enemies. They cite the fact
that the water originates from their region yet they are not allowed to use it for irrigation
purposes. The Bukusu allege that the Sabaot normally sabotage the chlorination of the
water so that they can use it for irrigation purposes (It has been observed that chlorinated
water spoils crops). The result is typhoid and other stomach ailments reported among the
Bukusu. In extreme cases, people die because of drinking contaminated water. The Sabaot
feel justified using what is theirs by right to irrigate their crops. Such exchanges among the
Bukusu and the Sabaot indicate that the tension that exists between them extends to their
daily interactions, infrastructure, water and the political sphere.
Ethnicities playa central role in political mobilization and competitive politics among the
Bukusu and the Sabaot. Each ethnic group hopes to assume state power and access state
resources. Yet it is also possible that ethnicity privileges men's chances relative to those of
women in ascending to power. Women are not constitutionally barred from participating in
elective politics but they are socialized from early through myths, symbols and rituals to
leave politics and property acquisition to men (father, brother, uncle, among others). Men,
on the other hand, are encouraged to jostle for power and acquire property. The study
101
sought to establish from the respondents who best represent either the Bukusu or Sabaot
ethnic group. Most respondents 39 (65%) said both men and women while a paltry 19
(31.7%) who said men (Table 6.8).
Table 6.8: Who Best Represents Your Ethnic Group in terms of Gender
Ethnic Representation - Frequency 0/0Gender
Men 19 31.7
Women 1 1.7
Both 39 65.0
N/A 1 1.7
Total 60 100.0
Nevertheless, the views made by the respondents in Table 6.11 are far from the reality on
the ground. Respondents (Takur, Wepukhulu; Kimungui; Kiboi; Naibei; Kirong', Toskin;
Munyole; Mutiso; Telewa; Waswa; Walubuka; Machani, 2005: 0.1) were unanimous that
men exclusively hold positions of leadership in Bungoma and Mt. Elgon districts. None of
the chiefs or their assistants in either Chwele or Kopsiro divisions is a woman. In fact, the
two communities have never had a woman chief or any other higher office in the
provincial administration. Not even a single woman has ever been elected to parliament
among the Bukusu. The same applies to the Sabaot.
6.3 Gender in the Bukusu-Sabaot Ethnic Conflicts
It emerged that young men are easy to mobilize and arm to fight individually or as part of a
unit to defend their community since they were socialized during puberty rituals. In the
traditional society, warriors took along women and young girls who they married or raised
as potential brides. However, this trend seems to have been tamed with the rise of state
institutions such as the army, the police, the judiciary, the legislature, among others.
KENYATTA UNIVERSITY u
102
What kind of conditions makes this massive participation possible? How and why are men
recruited? Probably this is because the construction of gender specific Bukusu and Sabaot
ethnic identities is often marked by the preparation of males to defend the community
(masculinity) that is often encouraged by femininity, especially the popular notion that
women are innocent, fragile and in need of male protection. The respondents (Ng'ania;
Kirui; Sitati; Machani; Wamunyokoli; Baraza; Kiboi; Wanjala; Bwobi; Maiba; 2005; 0.1)
were unanimous that the Bukusu and the Sabaot encourage their men to be brave and to
defend the community while at the same time encouraging the opposite behavior among
,
women. The notion that the man is the defender and protector of his community .:!
(masculinity) is often inculcated in young people at an early age through role-playing,
initiation rites and other socialization practices. Similarly, young girls from early are
socialized to be subservient and to seek security and protection from men.. This encourages
boys and men to seek to show their masculinity through boasting, fist fights and ultimately
ethnic conflicts.
During the research it emerged that the Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic groups are stereotyped.
One Sabaot respondent (Kirui, 2005:0.1) intimated that, "The Bukusn wish to dominate
us ... finish us ... annihilate us", while one Bukusu (Wamunyokoli, 2005:0.D said that,
"These people are secretive ... they can't be trusted. .. they can slaughter at the slightest
provocation". The Sabaot also say that men born of uncircumcised women in reference to
Bukusu men cannot defeat them. Respondents (Kibo:i; Kimi; Machani; Wamunyokoli,
2005; 0.1) were unanimous that stereotypes negatively affect the relation between the
Bukusu and the Sabaot by discouraging intermarriage and generally social mingling.
Respondents also attribute the prevalence of conflicts to stereotypes.
103
Stereotypes are not the preserve of the relations between ethnic groups but also among
clans that together constitute an ethnic group. For example, among the Sabaot, the
Masopesiyek allege that their cousins (Bok and Soi/Someek) despise them. Most
respondents from the Masopesiyek clan (Tenderesi; Takur; Juma; Wambete; Simotwo;
Kitelo; Kaberio; Musia; Kiyen; Chenjeni; Moli; 2005; OJ) dislike the prevailing
perception that they are still backward: "Wanasema tunanuka punda" (Trans. "They say
we smell like donkeys"). From the researcher's observation, men are the ones who use
donkeys for transportation though women may use it for doing simple domestic chores like
fetching water. The researcher also noted that men were the source and target of these
provocative utterances. However, both men and women helped in the spread of such
statements to a lager audience. These stereotypes help to explain the current intra-ethnic
clashes at Chebyuk settlement scheme among the Sabaot.
,/
.
I
Though women and children constitute the bulk of the victims of ethnic strife, this study
established (Table 6.9) that both men and women play significant roles in the perpetuation
of acts of violence. The respondents' testimonies (Naibei; Kirong'; Kiyen; Simotwo; Kirui;
2005; O. 1.) indicate that in the past, women sometimes accompanied men to battle and
often shouted to urge the warriors on. During such occasions sometimes, women went out
in front, and then the men had to go forward, or they would be shamed before their wives
and girlfriends. Some female interviewees suggested that they would feel ashamed for the
failure of their men to defend their comnumity against external attack or showed any signs
of cowardice. They also suggested that they would counsel their children not to marry poor
prospective suitors. In the past, poverty was associated with cowardice because property
acquisition was mostly through raids and wars. Both the Bukusu and the Sabaot sing songs
104
mocking young suitors by calling them cowards unless they proved their courage by
defending their communities or raiding other communities to raise dowry. Indeed, women
refuse to be married to 'cowards' and only want to be associated with 'heroes'. Of course,
'heroes' are people who have successfully looted cattle, sheep, or goats from the nearby
'enemy' communities.
Table 6.9: Women playa Role in Ethnic Conflicts
If Women Contribute to Frequency 0/0
Conflicts
Yes 47 78.3
No 11 18.3
No Opinion 2 3.3
Total 60 100.0
Respondents' (Simiyu; Mulongo; Munialo; Mukanda; Walubuka; Kimalewa; 2005; OJ)
pointed out that outstanding prestige and reputation gained as a warrior among the Bukusu
and the Sabaot was measured by the number of people one kills in the battlefields and/or
the number of cattle/animals brought home after raids. Those who died in war were also
often remembered and esteemed. Women within the Bukusu community testify to the fact
that they have named their children after famous Bukusu warriors who died in battle
defending the community or those who led the community into victory against neighboring
communities. The story of chivalry and valor is not unique to the Bukusu for the Sabaot
also admire their brave and great men whose names are handed down through generations.
The women usually welcome warriors back from battle and ask them to relate their
fighting and plundering experiences. Mothers, sisters, and even lovers of such brave men
compose songs of praise for them. The women who have just given birth go to these
warriors and ask them to allow them to name their children after them. Ironically, there is
105
considerable evidence that men who return from conflict situations are more likely to be
violent towards their wives.
Times have changed, but the expectation that men have to defend their community against
external attacks is still prevalent and children accordingly socialized to reinforce masculine
and feminine values. Women implicitly support and prolong communal conflicts given the
role that they play in socialization and transmission of cultural values. There are of course
cases where women have used violence in defense of their goals. It is, therefore, apparent
that both men and women share blame for the prevalence of communal conflicts.
In the contemporary society, it is often common to term cattle rustling as motivated by the
desire to acquire wealth. However, more often people forget that the motivation for
possessing such wealth is to use it to acquire a bride or marry another wife. This is because
in economic terms, wealth creation takes different forms for the two genders. Girls brought
wealth home through marriage while for boys it was until recently by hunting, raiding, or
through war. Boys and men participated in hunting expeditions in search for bridewealth.
Boys could also acquire wealth from their sister's brideprice or through inheritance from
their father. Okot p'Bitek (1989) dramatizes the differential ways of wealth creation
between men and women in the pre-colonial period thus:
At the time Ocol was still wooing me
My breasts stood at ninety degrees;
I walked like the crane: neck up in the air
My brothers were full of praise, calling me Bringer-of-Cows
For, the rhythm of my breasts beckoned bride-wealth:
106
Prepare the kraal
Prepare the kraal
The cows are coming.
From these accounts, one can see that the unconscious desire to acquire or capture women
for marriage has played a much bigger role in traditional society conflicts (besides
competition over pasture, cattle, water, trading rights or revenge) than previously admitted.
Despite the changes ushered in by contemporary trends, young men are still pressured to
acquire wealth through whatever means to found families and provide necessities of life.
The study established that most youths among the Bukusu and the Sabaot do not have a
stable source of income. While some engage in petty trade, farming, transport sector as
matatu crews and others are in college apparently they have more time on their hands. This
may partly explain why young men have thus been the most active in direct violent
encounters between the two communities. Silberschmidt (2004: 242) underscores the link
between sexual potency with masculinities of toughness and aggression as mediated by
poverty and blocked avenues for educational and career advancement. While sexual might
gives social value to men, sexual modesty gives social esteem to women.
The predictable image of women and children as the first victims of communal violence is
not supported by data. Interviews with men revealed that there are circumstances when
during conflicts between the Bukusu and the Sabaot men were in most cases killed while
women were raped or tortured. Elsewhere, documentary evidence (Gecaga, 2003:20-21)
indicates that Kikuyu raiders (mostly young men) would capture Maasai girls for marriage.
-KE
107
Similarly, women especially young ones of marriageable age or younger were taken as
brides or potential brides for those still young or as a source of bride wealth in the conflicts
between the Nuer and the Dinka of Sudan, and the Kikuyu and the Kamba (or Embu and
Mbeere).
According to Table 6.10, during the 1991/92 ethnic clashes between the Bukusu and the
Sabaot 32 (53.3%) respondents said that women were likely to be raped while 14 (16.7%)
and 6 (10%) said they were likely to be killed and tortured respectively. Some respondents
16.6% said that they were likely to be forgiven. Yet when it comes to men, the verdict was
almost unanimous with 96.7% saying they were likely to be killed. These findings concur
with trends elsewhere. For example, research shows that several years preceding the
Burundi massacres and the Rwanda genocide tension between the Tutsi and the Hutu had
risen to alarming levels. Educated Hutu males were especially targeted by the Tutsi
dominated army in Burundi in early 1972 after an uprising by Hutu extremists. During the
Rwanda genocide in 1994, Tutsi and Hutu moderate males were also the target of Hutu
extremists (Callahan, 1998; Kaarsholm, 2006: 2).
Table 6.10: What happens to Women in Conflicts?
Experiences of Women in Frequency 0/0Conflicts
Forgiven 10 16.6
Raped 32 53.3
Killed 14 16.7
Tortured 6 10.0
No Opinion 2 3.3
Total 60 100.0
Rape and sexual intimidation are common features in communal conflicts. Ferris (2005)
attributes the state of affairs to the breakdown of social norms and mores. Respondents
108
said that rape is a deliberate policy to injure the ego of the males of the enemy community.
Even when women are tortured or killed, the aim is simply to intimidate and demoralize
their male relatives.
6.4 Gender and Conflict Resolution among the Bukusu and the Sabaot
The traditional way of handling ethnic conflicts can be faulted, especially the fact that both
men and women are not effectively represented in efforts to build peace. Male elders are
the ones most likely to represent their communities in peace and reconciliatory forums and
missions (though elderly women occasionally given token representation). For example,
when in 1992 elders met the then ruling president Moi in the wake of the ethnic clashes,
the Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic communities were represented as follows: John Wamalabe
(Bukusu; one of the respondents), Enos Kiberenge (Sabaot); Zablon (Sabaot; deceased
1999); Wilberforce Kisiero (Sabaot); Jonathan Bomuji (Sabaot); Peter Kukuni (Sabaot;
current assistant chief, then Kanu youth); Karatasi Chepkorir (Sabaot); Brahim Odera
(Teso); and Phillip Masanga (Bukusu) (Wamalabe, 2005: 0.1). Elders are die-hard
protectors of the past way of living that emphasized on masculinity, valor and chivalry in
war. Respondents confirmed that permission to engage in intra or extra ethnic conflicts is
often sanctioned by elders. Evans Pritchard in his study of the Nuer of Southern Sudan
noted that Nuer (male) elders gave permission to Nuer young men to raid their traditional
neighbor enemies, the Dinka (Evans-Pritchard, 1961).
This evidence contradicts the findings drawn from numerous research initiatives
undertaken in the Great Lakes Region and the Horn of Africa (Burundi, Democratic
Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Tanzania, Kenya, Ethiopia and Somaliland). The studies
109
observed that colonial rule and various postcolonial governments have either suppressed or
distorted traditional institutions hence rendering them ineffective in the consolidation of
peace and social harmony in today's society. Before colonial rule, peaceful settlement of
conflicts that arose between individuals, families and various groups was encouraged and
implemented through traditional social institutions often clan-based and composed of
elders (Mbennah, 2001: ix-x).
Ethnic conflict prevention strategies can be either operational (aimed to resolve an
immediate crisis) or structural (addressing the root causes of the conflict). Kisiang'ani
(2002:13) vouches for the dismantling of identities that are also the root cause of human
suffering. For him, human beings coalesce around identities that are not only irrelevant but
also iconoclastic to the existence of humanity. This study dealt with structural roots to
ethnic conflicts among the Bukusu and Sabaot communities. It emerged from the research
that as long as inheritance, acquisition and ownership of land and other resources remain
the preserve of related males' competition between lineages, clans and ethnic groups will
never cease to occur. I, therefore, concluded the fieldwork by asking the respondents if
they ever envisioned a post ethnic society. The responses (Table 6.11) were diverse with
31 (51.7%) saying 'Yes' while 26 (43%) said 'No' and the rest 3 (5%) said "Don't Know".
Table 6.11: Respondents Envision a Post Ethnic Society
Envisioning Post Ethnic Frequency 0/0Society
Yes 31 51.7
No 26 43.3
Don'tKnow 3 5.0
Total 60 100.0
110
In the past geography, other natural factors, sparse population and the lack of a common
system of communication could not allow humans to interact as closely as we do today.
Therefore, society was adapted in such a way to externalize conflict and solidify the group
ranging from the family to face off external aggression. Yet exploration, missionary
activity, curiosity, trade, colonialism, and the global civil movement have opened
humanity from diverse regions that were initially isolated from each other.
6.5 Conclusion
This chapter has demonstrated that the constructed Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities and
the accompanied gender imbalances interact and mutually condition, augment, challenge
one another in Kenyan politics and economic situations; and second, the construction of
ethnicities is a means of adaptation to externalize conflict and solidify human groups
ranging from the family, lineages, clans and ethnic groups to face off external aggression.
The taboo on incest, which is almost universal and characteristic of the Bukusu and Sabaot
communities, helps to avoid competition and conflict within the family. The survival of the
family rests on the restriction of sex among its members and the consequent need for other
family units as sources of spouses. The taboo normally extends to close (and sometimes
distant) relatives for the same purpose thus bringing into its fold lineages and clans
(especially the clans that ascribe to exogamy). Thus faced with possible external threats
and competition for mating partners, structures such as the family, lineages, clans, tribes,
ethnic groups, etc. are constructed in such a way that they ensure the survival of humans.
The construction of identities targets to externalize conflict but not solving or eradicating
111
conflict per se. Therefore, despite the extemalization of enmity, people conflict within and
between the various constructed identities.
112
CHAPTER SEVEN
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
7.1 Introduction
This chapter summarizes the findings, presents conclusions and offers recommendations
based on the findings of the research. This study about how gender is relevant in the
construction and manifestation of ethnicity and ethnic conflicts: how ethnic identities are
constructed, reinforced in symbols, myths and rituals, and how constructed identities
manifest in the struggle for power, resources and ultimately as ethnic conflicts. The main
research objective was to investigate how the interplay between gender and ethnicity,
contribute to the emergence, escalation and persistence of ethnic conflicts among the
Bukusu and the Sabaot.
7.2 Summary of Findings
Ethnic conflicts, when studied from an ethno-nationalism perspective, are rarely studied
through gender lens. This is exactly what this work tried to correct. This study introduced
and analyzed the interplay of gender and ethnicity utilizing feminist modes of analysis by
posing the paucity of gender as an analytical category in a comparative approach of two
Kenyan communities. The study highlighted cross-culturally defined ethnic and gender
phenomena based on Spivak's Subaltern theory. Ethnic and other social divisions and
identities that generate politics of inclusion, exclusion or difference in construction of
hegemonies of dominance and subordination may infect both masculinity and femininity.
These politics affect not only the gender hierarchy but also the hierarchical relationships
113
among vanous social groups within the ethnic communities. Through field research,
Focused Group Discussions (FODS), field observations and secondary sources, we were
interested in unraveling dynamics of dominated gender experiences and have attempted to
demonstrate how this social domination is legitimated and constituted in the experience of
the Bukusu and Sabaot men and women. As such, the study illustrates how this domination
is given public utterance in the very being of ethnic but gendered subjects, the majority of
whom may justifiably bear the subaltern label.
The research established that the unequal relations between men and women (gender)
inform the construction of Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities. It emerged that women do
not in most cases playa significant kinship role and they do not bestow ethnic identity.
Ethnic identity is attained through men (the father or husband) with the individual
belonging to the father's lineage. Therefore, gender contributes to the construction of
Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic identities and facilitates men to deviously mobilize against each
other in similarly constructed ethnic identities. Consequently, men project the strength of
the group through ethnic conflicts because the construction of gender-specific Bukusu and
Sabaot ethnic identities is often marked by the preparation of males to defend the
community (masculinity) that is often encouraged by femininity.
Most of the respondents indicated that the Bukusu and Sabaot iconography (Symbols),
myths and rituals playa significant role in the relations between the two communities. The
importance is to perpetuate separate identities in society and also to legitimize prior rights
to some resources by people who are thus categorized. Indeed, origin, migration and other
myths have played a role in distinguishing the Sabaot from the Bukusu and thus remain
114
sources of contestation and conflict. Indeed, whereas women and children constitute the
bulk of the victims of ethnic strife, the research showed that both men and women play
significant roles in the perpetuation of acts of violence. Both the Bukusu and the Sabaot
during initiation sing songs mocking young suitors by calling them cowards unless they
prove their courage by defending their communities or raiding other communities to
acquire or protect prior rights of resource ownership.
From the findings, most of the respondents indicated that Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic
identities restrict property ownership, property acquisition, economic roles and external
relations with other ethnic identities in the hands of men thus promoting intense
competition between lineages, clans and often ethnic groups. Land among the Bukusu and
the Sabaot is more than just economic possession for land conveys to its owner both
economic and social (patriarchal) status.
As was evident from the research, most respondents do not reside where they were born.
Nevertheless, most of those who have moved and settled in new locations did so as adults
due to resettlement (for the Sabaot) but also due to marriage (both Sabaot and Bukusu). It
emerged that most men are born and allocated land in the neighborhood. Wives come to
live in the husband's village not the other way round. Accordingly, the men of the village
are blood relatives of one another in most cases. As such, there is disproportionate access
to political and administrative positions, land and other socio-economic benefits for men
than women among the Bukusu and the Sabaot.
The construction of ethnic identity is a means of adaptation to externalize conflict and to
solidify human groups ranging from the family to face off external aggression often
KENYATTA UNIVER IT' R y
115
through stereotypes. Indeed, it emerged that the Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic groups are
stereotyped and most respondents attributed the prevalence of ethnic conflicts to
stereotypes. Stereotypes greatly influence the patterns of marriage choices and social
interactions. Even then, research findings indicate that people from either community
easily cross the symbolic boundaries separating them. Respondents mentioned trade and
marriage as playing a major role to bring together the Bukusu and the Sabaot. Traders at
Chwele market, the meeting ground for the two communities, indicate that trade in farm
produce, domestic animals and manufactured products acts as a check on aggressive
tendencies. However, most of the respondents said there exists subtle discrimination across
ethnic boundaries while some said there exists outright discrimination.
Research findings show that men and women in a way help provoke ethnic conflicts.
Research also indicates that there is inequitable gender participation in the peace process
among the Bukusu and the Sabaot. This has had a decisive impact in situations of Bukusu
and Sabaot ethnic conflicts and their resolution.
This study used Spivak's subaltern theory to analyze and interpret the findings of the
Bukusu-Sabaot conflict. Spivak best demonstrated the utility of her Subaltern theory to
tackle themes of power and power relations by analyzing how subjects are colonized by
modes of address, how they are enlisted within discourses of identity and excluded from
the discourses of power. For Spivak, the project of recovering the 'subaltern' is best served
by locating her separateness from the dominant processes (lineage systems). This study
used Spivak's Subaltern theory to grasp the location of men and women in the political and
socio-economic stratification of the Bukusu and Sabaot ethnic communities in order to
116
explain why they conflict. It emerged that the control over women is often mediated
through the control of land. Spivak's theory appreciates the reality that men too are
gendered beings and women are not an undifferentiated group. Men and women in the
biological sense are at peace with each other and the environment but as gendered beings
(embedded in ethnicities) conflicts are bound to occur.
7.3 Conclusion
The study's conclusion is that inequality between men and women manifest in the Bukusu
and Sabaot ethnic identities, therefore, gender as an analytical category is useful when
trying to understand the Bukusu-Sabaot relations.
7.4 Recommendations Emanating From the Study
Based on the foregoing findings, the study makes the following recommendations:
1. The exclusion of the female gender is evident in the BukusuJ Sabaot peace process
initiatives but a tailored peace process is only possible when both men and women
are effectively represented and both equally participate. The state of affairs needs to
be remedied by the state and members of the two communities in the spirit of
promoting dialogue and equal participation.
2. Trade plays a major role in bringing together the Bukusu and the Sabaot. Trading
communities it appears with time tend to forget their differences in favor of the
benefits that accrue to them from trade. Despite the latent and sometimes manifest
climate of hostility, most of those interviewed agreed that trade has contributed a
117
lot to the good relations between the Bukusu and Sabaot communities. However,
trade among and between the Bukusu and the Sabaot is mostly the preserve of
women except for relatively larger business enterprises. For trade to serve its role,
both men and women in the two districts should be encouraged to trade with each
other.
3. The state should come up with a land policy or establish a land commission to look
into the issue of land tenure and expedite issuance of title deeds for people who
bought or were allocated land to curb the resurgence of the clashes.
4. The state and civil society organizations should create public awareness so that
members of the public can respect valid documents of land ownership. Unlike in
the past where no one owned land, today an individual believes in the possession of
exclusive rights to some piece of land. The treatment of land as property has
ushered in an era of individual ownership of property.
7.5. Areas for Further Research
1. The study found that inequalities in power-structured ethnic units inform the
existing under-representation of women in positions of power and influence.
So, it would be worthwhile for another study to be done to examine how the
rise of ethnically-based parties that accompanied multi-partism in Bungoma and
Mt. Elgon districts has partly contributed to the presence of very few successful
women in elective politics among the Bukusu and the Sabaot.
118
2. It emerged from the study that trade brings together communities that are
perceived to be different. A study should also be done on how gender informs
trade between the Bukusu and Sabaot communities and thus inter-ethnic
relations.
3. The study established that there exist intra-ethnic conflicts among the various
Sabaot clans over the distribution of land in the Chebyuk Settlement Scheme. A
study on this issue is necessary to establish the causes and dynamics of these
conflicts.
119
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130
APPENDICES
APPENDIX 1- Map of Kenya Showing the Location of the Study Districts
---------~~~~~~~~~-==-----------------------------------~~~~------====~
ETHIOPIA
MAlSA.1f
WAUl
u••••••
~-...... - •..."' ~~ It"~
'UISSA
C)
V)
UU 1.'11
____ In~r national boundary
_._.':".-Di~t"ict boundary
II
4
Scat. :-1 :5 000 000
o 100 2011 killLI Ll ~,
131
APPENDIX II: InterviewlFGD Guide For the Respondents
A. Interview
1. Place
2. Date
3. Time
B. Respondent's profile
4. Name
5. Age (optional)
6. Occupation () Salaried () Business () FarmerlHerder () Housewife () Unemployed
7. Gender ( ) Male ( ) Female
8. Highest level of education ( ) None ( ) Primary ( ) Secondary ( ) College ( ) University
9. Were you born here? () Yes () No () N/A
If No, briefly explain
10. If you were not born here, how old were you when you came here? () 1-12 ( ) 13-19
( (2) 19+ () Born Here () N/A
11. Ethnic Group () Bukusu ( ) Sabaot ( ) Other
12. Clan
13. Do you have any Kinship role? () Yes () No (2) No response)
14. Familiarity with the language () Yes () No () Both () No response
15. How do you get your identity? ( ) Through Men (FatherlHusband) ( ) Through
Women (Mother/Wife) () Through Both (Men/Women) () No response
Briefly explain
132
16. Does the surname play in the assignation if identity i.e. self and group identity? If yes,
what symbols, myths and rituals are valued by your community as a sign of identity? ( )
Yes () No () No response
Briefly explain
17. Do women play any important role in giving you an identity? If yes, in what ways? ()
Yes ( ) No ( ) No response
Briefly explain
18. If someone said something bad about the Sabaot or Bukusu ethnic group, would you
feel almost as if they had said something bad about you? () Yes () No () No response
Briefly explain
19. Do you attach any stereotypes to the Sabaot or Bukusu? () Yes ( ) No ( ) No
response
Briefly explain
20. Do these stereotypes play a role in the constrained relations between the two
communities? () Yes () No () No response
Briefly explain
133
21. Have you personally experienced prejudice and discriminatory behavior in the hands
of a Bukusu or Sabaot? ( ) Yes ( ) No ( ) No response
Brieflyexplain
22. Do you know of anyone who has experienced prejudice and discrimination in the
hands of a Sabaot or Bukusu? ( ) Yes ( ) No ( ) No response
Briefly explain
23. Have you encountered any problems in your attempt to lease or purchase land?
() Yes () No () No response
If your answer is Yes describe briefly the nature of the problem(s) you encountered
24. Are Symbols, Myths and Rituals important in reinforcing your ethnic identity? ( ) Yes
( ) No ( ) No response
If Yes, briefly explain
25. Do you freely cross the symbolic boundaries that divide the communities? ( ) Yes ( )
No ( ) No response
Briefly explain
26. When people from either the Bukusu or Sabaot cross the symbolic boundaries are
they discriminated against? () Yes () No () Somewhat () Don't Know
Briefly explain
134
27. Do the Bukusu/Sabaot attach much value to circumcision? ( ) Yes ( ) No ( ) No
response
If Yes, briefly explain
28. How do you view uncircumcised men or women?
29. How do you regard a person born of uncircumcised woman?
30. Based on you views on circumcision how do you view the Sabaot or Bukusu?
31. Would you object if a close relative married a Sabaot or Bukusu? ( ) Yes ( ) No ( ) No
response
Briefly explain
32. Would other(s) object if a close relative married a Sabaot or Bukusu? () Yes () No (
) No response
Briefly explain
33. Do you know of any relation of yours who is married to a Sabaot or Bukusu? () Yes (
) No () No response
135
Briefly explain
34. Who in terms of gender owns land in your community? () Men () Women () Both
( ) No response
Brieflyexplain
35. Do women own land in your community? If yes, under what circumstances? ( )
Inheritance () Purchase () Government Allocation () No response
Briefly explain
36. Do women inherit clan land? () Yes () No () No response
Brieflyexplain
37. Who fights over land in your community? () Men () Women () Both () No response
Brieflyexplain
38. Is trade important in the shaping of the inter-ethnic relations between the two
communities? ( ) Yes ( ) No ( ) No response
Briefly explain
136
39. In terms of gender who mostly participate in trade? () Men () Women () Both () No
response
Briefly explain
40. In your opinion, who best represents your ethnic group? () Male () Female () Both (
)N/A
Why?
41. Why do ethnic differences often lead to conflict or violence?
42. Are their behaviors in your community that is considered brave or cowardly in your
community? () Yes () No () N/A
Briefly explain
43. Who constitutes a warrior in Sabaot or Bukusu community? ( ) Young Men ( ) Young
Women () Mature Men () Mature Women () Old Men () No comment
Briefly explain
44. Are warriors related to each other? ( ) Yes ( ) No ( ) No comment
Briefly explain
45. Do women play any role in ethnic conflicts? () Yes () No () N/A
.KENYATTA UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
137
Brieflyexplain
46. What happens to men in combat? ( ) Killed ( ) Raped ( ) Forgiven ( ) Nothing ( )
Taken as Husbands () Tortured () No Opinion
Briefly explain
47. What happens to women and children in combat? ( ) Killed () Raped ( ) Forgiven ( )
Nothing () Taken as War Captives () Tortured () No Opinion
Briefly explain
48. What motivated the 1991/1992 clashes? 0 Land ( ) Politics ( ) Water ( ) Cultural
Differences ( ) Don't Know
Briefly explain
50. Were there other clashes after 1992? If yes what caused the clashes? () Yes () No ()
N/A
Briefly explain
51. Do you envision a society without ethnic conflicts? ( ) Yes ( ) No ( ) N
Briefly explain
Names of Respondents Gender Ethnic Group Clan Age Highest Level of Education ~
Ng'ania Geoffrey Sabila M Sabaet Kapchana 32 University ~Kimasai Ibrahim Kengere M Sabaet Kapcl1esekwe 79 Illiterate
Wasai Peter M BuklJSU Bayundo 49 Professional Medical Training
~
Kirui Benson Cherruat M Sabaot (Bok) Kapmukeek 61 'A' Level
Bera Julius Teek M Sabaot (Bok) Kamrunik 630' Level
Ndiwa Japheth Masache M Bukusu Banamulingi 34 0' Level
==Ndiwa Robai F Sabaot (Masop) Kapchesonqor 30 Illiterate ..Simotwo F Sabaot (Masop) Kapchesongor 85 Grade 6, CEE,KPE t""
Wambete Francis M .Luhya (Kabras) Kapchesongor 65:0' Level ~r:IJ
Wambete Jane F Sabaot (M~sop) Bashikhwi 55 Form Two ~. - 0TakurJohnson M ,Sabaot (Bok) ,Kapchesongor 55 Standard Eight
Nalbei Joina 'F Luhya Bashikhwi 41 0' Level I'!I!j
Kirong' Lydia F Sabaol (Masop) Kapchemony 32 Not Educated
IINaibei Titus M Sabaot (Bok) i<aptomet 21 No dataMebutu Gatherewa M I SabaOI (Koony) Kapjenwach 76' Standard EightJuma Judith F Sabaot Kakumniek 62 illiterateKitelo Andrew M Sabaot (Bok) 360' LevelKitelo Eunice F Sabaot (Masop) Chepsengor 72 Not gone to schoolMoli Josephat M Bukusu Bafumbula 390' Level- Chenjeni Dina F Bukusu Basakha 47 Std. 4VJ r:IJ00 Kaberio- Phillis F .Sabaot (Masop) Kapter 35 Std. 8
Chepkondol Masai M ;Sabaot (Masop) Kapter 66 Form 1,
Tenderesi Kileshi M iSabaot (Masop)) Kapttomet 790' Level
Kimai Godfrey M S~baot (Koony) 330' Level
Musla Anne F Sabaot (Koony) Kabyakan 28, Masters Degree
Kiyen Phanice F .Sabaot (Koony) Kaptamachick 33 Higher National Diploma
Wamunyokoli Timeteo 'M Bukusu Bakhasame 650' Level
MachanU<ennedy M Bukusu Bakibeti 380' Level
Wanjala Alex M Bukusu Babulo 33 Form 1
Bwobi Sammy M Sabaot Kapnaqknakk 33 University
Baraza Bridged Maiba F Sabael I Kapkunek-SEARO 31 University
Sitati Timona M Bukusu Baliuli 61 Form Two
Mutiso D.N. M Kamba No data 30' University
Walubuka Elizabeth F Bukusu Babuya 32 Standard Eight
Mukand~ Diprose F Bukusu 'Balako 31 .Literacy class
Simiyu Fridah F Bukusu 'Barnula 53 Form Two
Munialo Margaret F ,Bukusu Bamula 32 Form 2 (KAPE)
Masinde .Joseph M ;B~kusu Batecho 39 Sid·six .
Munialo Bonfice M Bukusu O.mukwangwa, Om 64 Form one
Mulonqo .Dor~s F IBukusu Ornukwanpwa. Om 480' Level
Wan~atj Joash M 'Bukusu Basibembe 54 0' Level
Wepukhulu Japheth' "' M iBukusu Omuechalo 61 Class three
Kimungui Michael M ;Sabaot (Koony) Kitiemek 48"A'Level
Wanamalabe John M Bukusu Babula Baolo 760' Level
Kiboi 'Peter Keen M !Bukusu Omumwaya 49 SId seven
Slmiyu Fred M Bukusu Babuya 63 0' Level
Simivu Beatrice F Bukusu Babambo Bawania 55 0' Level
;=="\
~
~~I:;!c:::z-em:0en=i-< ..r--tD:0>:xl
Wabuke Samuel M Bukusu Babuya Banawamt 55 University
Tobokwo Mose~ M .Luhya (Omunyala) [Ornurende 61' College level
Waswa Joseph M Bukusu Ornuala 39.A'Level,
Machio Shila M Bukusu .Batukwika 30,Diploma
~unyole Henry M Bukusu Batllu 42 Audit Education P1
Wesuswa Hassan 'M Bukusu Omukiyabi 360' Level
Mutaki scolasnca 'F Bukusll Omukitwika Omukr 29 Std 8 ekhale Mechanics
WanJala Collins 1M Bukusu Omulako Omusiarr 21 .University student
Kimalewa Moses !M Sukusu Ornualo 58 University student
Mukenya Isaac ,M Bukusu Omumwaya 31 ' University student
Telewa Kennedy M Sabaot (Sabiiny) No data 23' Graduate student/teacher
Kapareti Wekesa F ISukusu Omumwaya 23. University Student
Toskin Robin M Saboat (Sabiiny) No data 31 Graduate StucJentfTeacher
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