THE INTERVENTION OF UGO BELIEFS AND PRACTICES
AMONG GiKUYU PRESBYTERIAN CHRISTIANS OF
NYERIPRESBYTERY
(1908-2008)
BY
HEZEKIAH MURAGE MURA YA
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE FULFILMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF
PHILOSOPHY IN THE SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES AND
SOCIAL SCIENCES OF KENYATTA UNIVERSITY
DECEMBER 2013
II
DECLARATION
This thesis is my original work and has not been presented for a degree in any
~
Hezekiah Murage Muraya
C821152981200S
Thi412'StileS been submitted with our approval as university supervisors,
__~~::::::::- :::::::::::9===_~_ Date o.rl'2- J ?.SD i "3
, I '
Dr. Grace Wamue- Ngare
en!of~ ~ Developm:~bktibtifz0B
Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies
111
DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to my wife, Catherine Wambui Murage, for her love,
support, encouragement and understanding during the course of the study.
IV
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
An academic work such as this is financially, socially and spiritually demanding.
This compels me to state my gratitude to the individuals, groups and institutions
that have helped me in the entire process of this study. I am grateful to God, for
His grace and sustenance throughout the course of the study. I acknowledge my
supervisors, Dr. Grace Wamue- Ngare; and Dr. Julius Gathogo; whose
professional guidance, untiring counsel and very useful suggestions maintained
my commitment throughout the vigorous stages of this work. I also extend my
appreciation to my former supervisor, Prof. Anne Nasimiyu-Wasike for reading
parts of this work and making quite challenging comments.
I am indebted to PCEA Nairobi North and Milimani Presbyteries in particular,
members of Kimbo and Nairobi West Parishes for supporting me spiritually and
financially. Elders Hiram Ngatia, Prof F. Mugendi, Wachira Mathu; Ndiritu
Kanyita and Mwangi Gitau for theiv help in many ways far beyond the call of
duty. I wish to also thank the Presbyterian Church of East Africa's head office
leadership for granting me permission to study while working.
I am grateful to several scholars outside and within Kenyatta University who read
some sections of my thesis and offered helpful insights. In particular, I want to
thank Prof. Joseph Galgalo, Vice Chancellor, St Paul's University and Kenyatta
vUniversity scholars: Prof. Wangari Mwai, Dr. Margaret Gechaga, Dr Diana
Tumuti, Rev. Dr. Moses Mutwiri and Rev. Dr. Godfrey Ngumi.
Acknowledgments are also extended to the ministers, Revs. Bildad Wamathai,
Mercy Gichimu, Michel Njige and David Kamweru. I would also like to thank
my research assistants Diana Muriithi, Samuel Gitonga, Ann Wandimi and Peter
Gikandi who greatly assisted in locating respondents and data collection. I was
also greatly assisted by Pastors, elders and church members who responded to my
questionnaires.
My deepest gratitude goes to my dear wife, Catherine and our children, Moffat,
Keziah and Peterson for their patience and encouragement, which they accorded
me despite inconveniencies caused to them when I was busy studying. I am
sincerely thankful to Mrs. C. Rwamba, Mrs. C. Gachago and Mrs. J. Waiyaki who
typed this work.
VI
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION ii
DEDICATION .iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .iv
TABLE OF CONTENT vi
LIST OF TABLES x
LIST OF FIGURES xi
LIST OF PLATES xii
DEFINITIONS OF TERMS xiii
ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS xvi
ABSTRACT xvii
CHAPTER ONE- GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study 1
1.2 Statement of the problem 13
1.3 Purpose of the Study 14
1.4 Objectives of the Study 15
1.5 Research Questions 15
1.6 Research Premises 16
1.7 Significance of the Study 16
1.8 Scope and Limitation 18
1.9 Conclusion 19
CHAPTER TWO- LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction 21
2.2 Adherence to iigo in Gikiiyil indigenous beliefs and practice 21
2.3 Church of Scotland Missionaries' interpretation of iigo in the
evangelization process among the Gikiiyil PCEA Christian 25
2.4 Determinants of vulnerability of Gikfiyu PCEA Christians to beliefs and
practices in iigo 28
2.5 Inculturation Strategies for the PCEA Church for Incorporating
Christianity into beliefs and practices iigo 33
2.6 Conceptual Framework 37
2.7 Conclusion 50
Vll
CHAPTER THREE - RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction 52
3.1 Research Design 52
3.2 The Study Area 53
3.3 Target Population 54
3.4 Sampling Procedure and Sample Size 54
3.4.1 Sampling Technique 54
3.5 Research Instruments 59
3.6 Pilot Survey and Pre-testing of instruments 60
3.7 Data Collection Procedures 62
3.8 Data Analysis 63
3.9 Data Management and Ethical Consideration 64
3.10 Conclusion 64
CHAPTER FOUR- PERSISTENCE OF BELIEFS AND
PRACTICES IN UGO AMONG THE AGIKUYU AND THE
INCULTURATION PROCESS
4.0 Introduction 66
SECTION I
4.1 Background to Giktiyii Beliefs and Practices in ago 68
4.1.1 Social -Political Organization of the Giktiytl 68
4.1.2 Gikiiyii Religious Beliefs System 72
4.1.3 Gikfiyii Beliefs and Practices in ago 82
4.1.3.1 Miindii Miigo Identity among the Gikiiyii 82
4.1.3.2 Prerequisite Rituals for one to Qualify for the Office of ago 83
4.1.3.3 Initiation of Ago 89
4.1.3.4 Ago's Religious Roles in Gikiiyii Indigenous Community 113
4.1.3.5 Conclusion 129
SECTION II
The Church of Scotland Mission: Its Evangelization and Interpretation of
Beliefs and Practices in Ugo
4.2 Religio-Cultural Worldview of the Christian Missionary Organization. 131
4.2.1 Missionaries' Attitude towards Gikfiyii BeliefSystem .138
4.2.2 Denigration of Beliefs and Practices in ago in the CSM Missionaries ...140
4.2.3 Conclusion 183
4.2.4 Factors leading Gikfiyfi PCEA Christians to ago beliefs and practices. 184
4.2.4.1 Respondents Familiarity with ago 184
Vlll
4.2.4.2 Basis of ago Knowledge 186
4.2.4.3 Respondents Familiarity with Gfki1yi1 PCEA Christian's involvement in
ago 187
4.2.4.4 Detection ofPCEA Christians who Consult ago .188
4.2.4.5 Spiritual fear of mystical forces among Glkiiyii PCEA Christians .189
4.2.4.6 Source of Refuge for victims of Mystical Powers .191
4.2.4.7 Cases Handled by ago that Defy Contemporary Medicine 194
4.2.4.8 Existential needs that make Gikflyii PCEA Christians Persistence in
Beliefs and Practices in ago 197
4.2.4.9 Respondents who have benefitted from Ogo 200
4.2.4.100go Ideas or Images that Embody the Ministry of Jesus Christ 201
4.2.5 The Attitude of the PCEA on the Beliefs and Practices in ago .204
4.2.6 Conclusion 226
SECTION III
An Inculturated Understanding of Beliefs and Practices in Ugo from a
Christian Perspective
4.3 Meaning and Importance ofInculturation 228
4.3.2 Necessity for Inculturation 232
4.3.3 Biblical Basis for Inculturation " 234
4.3.4 Inculturating Christian Baptism and Contemporary Healing into Gikiiyii
Indigenous Ritual of Purification and Healing 239
4.3.4.1 Inculturating Christian Baptism into Gikfiyii Purification Rites 240
4.3.4.2 Inculturating Contemporary Healing into Gikiiyii Indigenous Healing
Ideology 259
4.3.4.3 Conclusion 269
CHAPTER FIVE - CHURCH OF SCOTLAND MISSION: ITS
EVANGELIZATION AND INTERPRETATION OF BELIEFS
AND PRACTICES IN UGO
5.0 Introduction 272
5.1 Summary of the study 272
5.2 Summary of the Main Findings .275
5.4 Recommendations 284
5.5 Suggestions for further Research 286
BIBLIOGRAPHY 288
GLOSSARY OF GiKU¥iJ TERMS 307
IX
APPENDICES 310
APPENDIX 1 Questionnaire for Ago 310
APPEND IX 2 Questionnaire for Pastors 314
APPENDIX 3 Questionnaire for Elders 320
APPENDIX 4 Questionnaire for Ordinary Christians 326
APPENDIX 5 List of Respondents 332
MAP 1 Map of Kenya 340
MAP 2 Map of Central Region 341
MAP 3 Map ofNyeri Presbytery 342
xLIST OF TABLES
Table3:1 57
Table 3.2 62
Table 4.1 186
Table 4.2 .188
Table 4.3 197
Table 4.4 201
Table 4.5 204
Table 4.6 209
Table 4.7 211
Table 4.8 215
Table 4.9 216
Table 4.10 218
Table 4.11 220
Table 4.12 · 221
Table 4.13 222
Table 4.14 224
Xl
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 4.1 78
Figure 4:2 90
Figure 4.3 185
Figure 4.4 187
Figure 4.5 189
Figure 4.6 191
Figure 4.7 194
Figure 4.8 200
Figure 4.9 270
. ,_ .••, I •••••n A. nv
Xll
LIST OF PLATES
Plate 1: A Bag Containing The Five Gourds For Magical Powders
...................................................................................... 96
Plate 2: A Divining Guard of a Mundu Miigo 98
Plate 3: Photograph Showing Various Tools of a Miindii Miigo 107
Plate 4: Photograph, Shows the Divination House of a Miindii Miigo
............................................................................................... 122
Plate 5: Photograph, of a Mundi: Miigo Seeking Divine intervention .123
Plate 6: Photograph of Pebbles used by a Miindii Miigo for
Divination .125
African Christo logy:
African Religion:
African Theology:
African Christianity:
Ancestral Spirits:
Church:
Church Discipline:
X 111
DEFINITIONS OF TERM
A discourse on Christ where known titles of honor
in Africa such as ancestor, healer, master of
initiation, king and guest are ascribed to Jesus
Christ as Christological model, with a common aim
of incarnating Jesus in African context, in order to
meet spiritual, emotional and physical needs of the
Africans.
Indigenous religio-cultural beliefs and practices of
African peoples that are distinct from those found in
other world religions.
Theology which reflects the gospel, Christian
tradition, and the total African reality in a post-
colonial African context.
Christianity clothed in African culture, spirituality,
ethics and philosophy, separate in ideology,
approach and practice from the Western missionary
Christianity.
Departed members of the family or clan of up to
four generations whose names and personalities are
still remembered by their living relatives.
Refers to the whole body of Christians throughout
the world, of those who outwardly profess Christ
and gathered for purposes of worship and ministry.
It also means any of the many denominational
groups. The term also refers to a building where
Christians congregate for worship. In this study, the
church will be used in all the three meanings.
Action taken by Presbyterian Church of East Africa
(PCEA) to correct those who violate Church rules,
teachings and traditions. This may include
counseling, admonition, rebuke, and suspension
from partaking Holy Communion or
excommunication. The expression, "Church
Discipline" is used in this study to refer to action
taken by PCEA to correct those who consult ugo.
XIV
Church Elder: A lay person of either gender ordained into the
office of eldership within the PCEA and works hand
in hand with the pastor in matters pertaining to the
pastoral, worship and discipline. Such a person is
usually knowledgeable in the affairs of the Church.
Gospel: Christianity not embodied in Euro-American
culture.
Herbalist (Medicine person): A person who uses different herbs, leaves, roots,
barks and various objects such as minerals and
bones to cure diseases.
Inculturation: The process of disengaging the supracultural truths
of the gospel from one culture and incorporate them
within the cultural setting of another, transforming
Christianity on some levels and, at the same time,
taking on, the unique characteristics and concerns of
that culture.
Misfortunes: Anti-life forces that reduce existence to a
continuous and painful struggle for survival. These
include childlessness, accidents, sudden illness,
insanity, livestock infertility and bad omen. The
expression "misfortunes" is used in this study to
refer to those anti -life forces taken to Ago for
divination.
Mission Christianity: Predominant imperial understandings and belief
systems of Christianity brought by Western
missionaries of the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries to Africa.
Miindii Miigo (Diviner-doctor): One who combines functions of a herbalist, a
seer and a diviner to heal diseases and counteract
misfortunes.
Miiragiiri (Diviner): One who practices the art of divination, administer
healing, interprets supernatural and mysterious
causation and future events.
Miirathi (Seer): A person who relies on intuition or sharp foresight
to describe things yet to come.
Miirogi (Sorcerer):
Parish:
Presbytery:
Session:
Ugo (Divination)
Wholistic:
xv
One who uses mystical powers which may be in-
born, inherited or bought to cause harm on people.
It also involves the casting of spells, poisoning, or
causing others physical harm.
One church or more churches grouped together to
form an administrative unit under the parish
minister, within the PCEA Church in the study area.
Several parishes grouped to form an administrative
unit, under the Presbytery Moderator within the
PCEA Church. The term in this study refers to the
area covered by the Nyeri Presbytery.
The administrative body of the Presbyterian Church
of East Africa that manages affairs of the parish, it
comprises of elders elected by the local
congregations, and the pastor in charge of the
parish.
The art of determining or discerning supernatural
and space-time events particularly with respect to
their cause, effects and how they can be prevented
for the purpose of guidance, healing and
counteracting. The word "Divination" in this study
refers to the use of pebbles in explaining the
aforementioned events after initial intervention
fails.
That which includes spiritual, physical, emotional,
intellectual, psychological and social development
of a Christian. In this study, the expression refers to
an internalized religion that is fully lived and able to
answer existential questions among Gikuyii.
CMS
CSM
EATWOT
KNA
OJ
PCEA
RCM
SPCK
XVI
ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS
Church Missionary Society
Church of Scotland Mission
Ecumenical Association of Third World Theologians
Kenya National Archives
Oral Interview
Presbyterian Church of East Africa
Roman Catholic Mission
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.
XVll
ABSTRACT
The beliefs and practices in iigo remain an issue for the Church in Kenya. In
particular, the Gikiiyii have been evangelized and indeed have lived with
Christianity for over a hundred years, but most of them have continue with beliefs
and practices in iigo. This scenario precipitates dualism. In this regard, the study
sought to address religious dualism among Gikiiyii PCEA Christians of Nyeri
Presbytery; which has been perceived by the church as hindrance to spiritual
growth. It aimed at resolving dualism and offer Gikiiyii PCEA Christians
wholistic living. The study employed three theoretical models, namely; Turner's
ritual symbolism theory. The theory was useful in describing the functional and
structural aspects of the beliefs and practices in iigo (their organizations, values
and meanings). Horton's theory of African religion as one of prediction, control
and manipulation of mystical powers to work in their favor; this was instrumental
in evaluating and identifying Gzkiiyii religion as one entailing a quest for
achieving control of events in the current world. Niebuhr's missiological model
was vital in evaluating and identifying the beliefs and practices in iigo that merit
inculturation. The study employed both quantitative and qualitative data. Four
levels of sampling procedures were used: purposive, random, stratified and
snowball. A total sample size of 342 respondents, which comprised of six ago
(diviner-healers) was used. The instruments for data collection were observation,
in-depth interviews and self-administered questionnaires. The research findings
reveal that beliefs and practices in iigo are deeply rooted within the Gikiiyii
religio-cultural worldview. This is a view that gives credence to the
interrelatedness between material and the spiritual world. The Gikiiyi: continue to
perceive Ago as divine agents in charge of the entire medical discipline. Further,
the community has a "disease-theory system" which identifies, classifies and
explains diseases and misfortunes in physical and spiritual dimensions. However,
the Church of Scotland Mission condemned this reality, equating it with Satanism
and therefore unfit for inculturation. As such, they transposed their horne brand
Christianity, culture, education, denominational organizational structures and
medicine and planted them indiscriminately among the Gikiiyi; Resilient to
beliefs and practices in iigo makes Gikiiyii Christians revert to the same to obtain
spiritual nourishment that lacks in Mission Christianity. This reversion
precipitates a situation of religious dualism, spurred by the Gikiiyii PCEA
Christians understanding of health, illness and healing from an African
perspective that takes into account both physical and spiritual aspects. This has
devastating effects upon the PCEA. In order to bridge religious duality and offer
Gikiiyii PCEA Christians an integrated wholistic life, this study has proposed and
inculturation procedure. This process involves integrating cultural elements, that
are in tandem with Biblical teachings into Christianity and replacing those that are
incompatible. Such integration not only enriches the Presbyterian Church by
overcoming dualism among the Christians, but also gives them wholistic
Christian life.
CHAPTER ONE
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1.Background to the Study
The belief in mystical powers is found throughout the world, even though
expressed differently from continent to continent (Horton, 1993, Bahemuka,
1982, Turner, 1977). Millions of North Americans seek knowledge about their
personal futures from the daily horoscope columns (Mitchell, 1977). Gallup
polltakers for example, in a survey conducted in 1975, found that 22 percent of
the adult population in the United States of America believes in astrology. That
is, the pseudo-science of telling the future by the movement of the stars (ibid).
Gehman (1989) points out those mystical powers such as sorcery, witchcraft and
divination have proven to be more resilient and adaptable than expected in the
Western world. What may have disappeared are the rituals and public practices of
such beliefs. However, the philosophy which underlined them has been renewed
in the last three hundred years under the label of "idealism" and "solipsism"
philosophical discourses (Horton, 1993).
In the contemporary Western world today, there is resurgence of occult beliefs
and practices despite scientific knowledge and modernization (Holmes, 1974).
This is similar to the scenario in Africa where mystical beliefs in witchcraft,
divination and ancestral veneration persist despite colonial and missionary
2agencies repudiation of such practices as superstitious. Thus, Africans like the
other communities in the world, believe in mystical powers to resolve anxiety and
tensions in life (Bahemuka, 1982). In addition, since the world has become a
global village through information technology, Africa has imported from the
West, mystical powers practices such as astrology, horoscopes and Satanism
(Gehman, 1989).
According to Mbiti (1969), beliefs in mystical powers pervade every sphere of the
African worldview. Mystical powers tapped through divination, sorcery,
witchcraft and mysterious phenomena are experienced on a daily basis by both
those who claim to have adopted Christianity, and non- Christians as well. Stories
depicting abilities to 'walk on fire' 'change into animals' and stupefy thieves in
order to catch them easily, are common in Africa. The first comprehensive
exploration of mystical powers was documented in Melanesia by Codrington in
1891; which he referred to as mana (Gehman, 1989). He alluded that mana
operates behind all human activities in the world for good and evil and it is of
great advantage to possess and control. Temples (1959) wrote about it in mid zo"
Century. After studying the Bantu of Central Africa, he came to the conclusion
that the supreme value of the Bantu is the great Vital Force, which pervades the
universe, residing within humans and all other things. Further, Temples asserts
that Vital-Force is important for health, wealth, power and success. To have it, is
to be healthy and strong, to lose it is to grow weak and die.
3Besides the Vital Force, Temples delineates the concept of a hierarchy of mystical
powers. This concept has been expounded and developed in modified forms by
Kagame (1956), Turner (1977), Bediako (1995) and Gehman (2005). Within this
fundamental belief of hierarchy of power, God enjoys the highest and greatest
position. Below him are spiritual beings (the lesser divinities, non-human and
ancestral spirits). At the bottom of this ladder is the world of nature, with human
beings standing between these hosts of mystical powers. Persons such as diviner-
healers and sorcerers possess objects or by purely spiritual means can tap mystical
powers from the ontological order, either to promote the wellbeing of an
individual or to bring them distress. The key assumption that underpins this
hierarchy of power is the belief that there is no dichotomy between the physical
and the spiritual reality. For this reason, Africans respond to God and spiritual
agents according to their position in the hierarchy of power through the mediatory
role of diviner- healers.
Turning to the focus of this study, life in Gikiiyfi' religious worldview is held to
exist in two planes: the human and the immaterial world of the spirits (Kenyatta,
1938, Macpherson, 1970). While men and women live in this human or tangible
world, they cannot visit the other plane until they have passed into immortality.
The spirits, however, can appear to the living any time they want and possess
1The word "Gil<uyu" in this study refers to the people whom ethnic group is Bantu. The name is
used interchangeably to mean the people and their language: "MugTkuyu" is an individual
member of this ethnic group.
" •••••• J , .,... •••• l\ I 11\11\ Jr t""I t""t 1T\I I Inn An v,
4powers to do good or evil to the inhabitants of the human plane. There are good
and evil spirits and the success or failure of people's activities in this world does
not necessarily depend on their own efforts, rather but linked to the dispositions of
these spirits. There is also a belief in mystical powers that pervade the universe.
These powers are mysterious, hidden and are only available to ancestral spirits
and certain individuals such as Ago (diviner-doctors), witches and sorcerers
(Mbiti, 1969). Ancestral spirits use these powers to intervene in human affairs in
order to draw attention to any deviation from established custom on the part of the
human or out of malice cause harm to people (Kirika, 1988). Sorcerers, wizzards
and witches utilize the powers to harm people. Ago (sing. Mundie Mfigo) use
mystical powers to diagnose diseases and misfortunes, detect thieves, witchcraft
and eradice it, thereby helping people and fostering life.
Whatever the case, it is in the interest of the living to establish harmony and
friendship with the spiritual world in order to have peace and prosperity, security
and protection from a possible hostility that would arise. This is done through
Ago's rituals (Kenyatta, 1938; Macpherson, 1970; Wachege 1992; Karanja,
1998). It also explains the basis for the existence of religious specialists such as;
prophets or seers (Arathi) and diviner-doctors (Ago) who are the most respected
persons in the Gikiiyii community. They are instrumental in mediating between
the living and the spiritual world. Observably, Ago double as seers and medicine
persons, but the two offices are quite distinct (Kenyatta 1938, Kibicho 2006).
5Unlike Ago, Arathi (prophets) do not use divination in interpreting God's will.
Arathi receive iirathi (prophecies) and their interpretation from God in a form of
special inspirations or visions. Urathi is not a form of profession such as iigo and
there was no stipend for it (Kibicho, 2006). On the other hand, the functions of
Ago are numerous and diverse, including preparation and administration of herbal
medicines, divination, ritual purifications, manufacturing of charms, witchcraft
detection and eradication. Ago also give instructions on all matters regarding
sacrifices and wars, thereby acting as the fulcrum for infusing community life
with good health and security from evil forces (Kenyatta, 1938; Robley, 1938;
and Leakey, 1977).
The Christian Missionaries looked down upon, and greatly discouraged the
beliefs and practices in mystical powers, which included iigo and iirathi
(Motherwell, 1909). Ago in particular were considered as specialists who
practiced black magic (Philip, 1913). The confusion was perhaps caused by the
multi-dimensional approach adopted by Ago, their multi-disciplinary service, and
sometimes the more than one name referring to the same specialists such as
herbalists, diviners, magicians, witchdoctors and healers. The missionaries
therefore, unfairly lumped Ago together with witches and sorcerers and were
6tagged "witchdoctors" because of formers crusade against witchcraft (Oxenham,
19272; Galgalo, 2001).
Missionary Churches admonished the new converts to refuse and disown all
beliefs and practices of iigo (Hiuhu, 1938; Irvine, 1938). In addition, teachings
against beliefs and practices in iigo ware incorporated into various catechisms
used for baptisms and confirmations. Catholic and Church of Scotland Mission
catechisms of 1918 and 1926 respectively stated that their missions disallowed
pagan practices such as indigenous healing and divination ("Ministers" File
, 1918;3 Chepkwony, 2006). Notably, a significant number of Converts at
Tumutumu mission were excommunicated in 1924-25 for consulting Ago
("Miscellaneous file?", 1925). Such narratives were common throughout
missionary era and were recorded in "Kikuyu News", (1898- 1941). Further, the
colonial government, through the Kenya ordinance of 1928, penalized any person
who claimed to have mystical powers (Parrinder, 1958). Kenyatta (1938)
observes that due to this development, Ago ware banished; beliefs and practices
of iigo labelled illegal, and anyone who claimed to be a Miindii Miigo risked
imprisonment by the colonial government. It was during this time that many Ago
were forced to publicly bum their divining paraphernalia and declare their art evil
2 See, for example, Kikuyu, 1898- 1923: Semi-Jubilee book of the CSM, Kenya Colony (Edinburgh:
Blackwood,1923); Tumutumu Hospital (Church of Scotland Kenya Council,1926)
3 The file contains the syllabus for instruction of those being prepared for baptism, 14Jan.1918.
4 Minister's file of parishioners' names at Tumutumu, 1925.
7(Arthur, 1938; Kimondo, 1938). As a result, they resorted to private practice in
utmost secrecy.
In place of the beliefs and practices in iigo, Missionaries introduced Western
doctors, medicine and hospitals, an approach in total disregard of the Gikiiyfi
healthcare system. Of importance, is the observation that, Western diagnosis
explains diseases in rather impersonal terms, thus attributing illness to micro-
organisms such as germs, fungi and viruses (Chepkwony, 2006). The Gikiiytl
system on the other hand, assumes that diseases and misfortunes have both
, physical and personalistic causes which include; witchcraft, breaking taboos and
violating ancestral spirits. Further, Gikfiyiibelieve that disease theory system and
healing process form an integral part of their religion and lifestyle. As such, Ago
and other specialists are an inevitable link to a religious worldview that is treated
with respect and reverence.
Traditional medicine is energized through rituals, and Ago considered persons
endowed with mystical powers through whom powers diffuse to others (Leakey,
1977). Thus, Gikiiyfi believe that many diseases, misfortunes and death emanate
from a spiritual realm, whose cure or solution should be sought in the same. In
this regard, the spiritual healing that lacked in western medicine forced the early
converts to oscillate in iigo despite missionaries' condemnation of such practices.
The quest for wholistic cure at all levels of the Gikiiyii, and the prominent role
8played by Ago in healing and disease-theory system could not be replaced by
western healthcare system.
Although concepts of witchcraft (urogi) and sorcery fall outside the scope of this
study, it is noted that both are closely related. The distinction between witchcraft
and sorcery is very subtle.and generally hinges on the methodology used but the
penultimate outcome is the same. Evans- Pritchard's (1976) distinction between a
witch and a sorcerer holds that, a witch uses hereditary psycho-psychical powers
to attain his/her purpose while, a sorcerer resorts to magic and derives power from
medicine and spells. Kenyatta (1938) and Leakey (1977) note that witchcraft and
, sorcery are the most hated and unpopular magic among the Gikiiyti. In the
community worldview, witchcraft and sorcery is used to attack people, "tie"
(bind) people not to prosper and make life uncomfortable. Kenyatta (ibid)
remarks that those who possess this magic are looked upon as dangerous and
destructive and anyone convicted of witchcraft is punished through burning alive
or by being banished from the community. The major difference between Ago and
practitioners of black magic is that the latter are perceived as the human
embodiment of evil while the former are seen as persons who use supernatural
powers in favor of life. Thus, while witches and sorcerers are enemies of the
community, Ago are friends. This implies that belief in the powers of witchcraft
and sorcery is the source of deep-rooted fears and superstitions that generally
. 1-rV I leeAQV
9 .
breed suspicion. Giktiyfi generally seek the counsel of specialists such as Ago
when this suspicion comes to the fore (Kibicho, 2006).
Ago are intrinsically linked to the ethos of culture, religion and morality of the
Gikiiyi; than any other religious specialists. In fact, Ago are to central that it is
impossible to grasp the meaning of the religious foundation of Gikiiyi; without
going through the thought pattern they occupy. Ago are the hope of the Gikiiyti,
symbolized in good health, protection and security from evil forces, prosperity
and good fortune, and a means of cleansing when harm (thahu) has been
contracted. In addition, are witch detectors and busters, intermediaries between
, the living and spiritual world (Kenyatta, 1939, and Leakey, 1977).
Ago epitomize the Gikiiyfi quest for salvation (ritual cleansing when harm or
impurities have been contracted), goodness in the society (hope of good health,
prosperity and good fortune), and relationship with one another (by combating
witchcraft and sorcery and preventing their actions). Further, they unite the
community with the spiritual world due to their capacity to mediate between the
supernatural and the physical. Their office enables them to translate the divine
into human terms ( Kibicho, 2006; Kirika, 1988, and Karanja, 1999).
The Church of Scotland missionaries coming into Gikfiyfiland in 1898 (Githieya
1997), found unfamiliar mystical powers manifested in the practices of sorcery,
10
witchcraft, magic, divination and traditional healing. Kibicho (2006:32) notes that
missionary's reaction to these resilient beliefs and practices were guided by two
"pre-judgments" regarding non-European people, That was a "cultural - racialist
prejudice" which made them conceive their culture as superior, the most civilized
on earth, and "a religious prejudice" that placed Christianity at the apex of other
religions and which "all others point as their fulfillment and completion".
Similarly, Githieya (1995) argues that the conflict with the Gikuyil culture
occurred mainly because missionaries brought a different worldview in terms of
socio-political, historical, theological, doctrinal, and philosophical factors. In their
evangelization endeavor, once the indigenous religious tenets, such as divination,
failed the scientific and intellectual tests of the West, they were dismissed as
"primitive, pagan, savagery and satanic". The Gikiiyfi were considered as people
"lost" in the abyss of darkness, irreligious and uncivilized (Karanja, 1999).
In their evangelization, which was highly influenced by the Enlightenment
ideologies such as scientific discoveries, scientific theories of racism, competition
for colonies, and the desire to convert souls, allegedly headed for perdition, the
missionaries adopted the approach of outright rejection of Gikiiyii cultural and
religious beliefs (Kalu, 1979). No wonder, the early converts were supposed to
abandon their religious and cultural life and embrace Christianity and Western
lifestyles wholly. To ensure that converts were not contaminated with indigenous
religion and cultural practices, the missionaries confined them at the mission
11
stations, where they were allegedly "cut off from other pagans". Eventually, a
nuclear Christian community bound together by Christian's rules and European
lifestyles, emerged at the mission station. Their lifestyle included daily Church
attendance, presence in Sunday worship, and adoption of European mannerism
and clothing (Stevenson, 1915; Macpherson, 1970 and Wilkinson, 1994).
Subsequently, missionaries introduced education and medical services, which
attracted a large community beyond the confines of the mission station
(Nthamburi, 1995).
Kibicho (2006) notes that many converts were not attracted to mission stations by
the desire to know about western Christian morality, but by that for education,
which was seen as key to a better and more secure future within the new colonial
order. It is perhaps for this reason that many unwillingly abandoned their deep-
rooted religious belief system, which was more life encompassing than
Christianity. However, those who dared abandon that system and convert to
Christianity needed a similarly strong religious order to give them security in the
face of dangers posed by beliefs in curses, oathings and witchcraft.
Unfortunately, missionary Christianity did not meet needs of the early converts.
Ironically, they termed these needs as superstitions while on the other hand, the
early converts often consulted Ago secretly for answers to dangers posed by the
aforementioned beliefs (Kirika, 1988, and Karanja, 1999).
12
In the view of the early Gikiiyii converts, answers sought from Ago were more
effective than the Western medicine, because the former, unlike missionaries who
were abstract in healing, dealt with the mystical causes of illness and misfortunes,
such as curses, witchcraft and broken vows (Gatu 2006). Leakey (1977) observes
that unlike the Western mode of treatment, the Ago, in the act of treatment,
invoked God, not only to reveal the root cause of the disease, but also to provide
healing. Further, Ago invoked mystical measures to forestall any recurrence of the
problem. In this regard, Western medicine served rather temporary measures
while Ago provided a more lasting healing (Gatheru, 1966). The practice of
adhering to Christian teachings, while at the same time reverting to iigo beliefs
due to a spiritual vacuum not filled by missionary Christianity, spurred a dual
. personality disorder in which converts lived in two religious worldviews- one
official, and the other, secretive (Karanja, 1999).
This duality of iigo and Christian faith remains present in the depths of the
spiritual experience of most contemporary Gikfiyii PCEA Christians. Many
devote themselves not only to Jesus Christ but also to iigo (Gatu, 2006).
Observably, while in the Church and at the vicinity of Christians, they sing songs
and pray in the ways that express their allegiance to Jesus Christ, but once out of
Christian visibility, revert to iigo, where their trust and beliefs are. Unfortunately,
once found out by the Church leadership, they are subjected to disciplinary action,
sometimes leading to excommunication (PCEA, 1999, Gatu, 2006). This being
l3
ODFthecase, the PCEA Church has had to bear with the secret duality of some of
its members, a practice that has continued to pose a challenge to evangelism. This
study sought to investigate the reasons that continue to make Presbyterian
Christians continue to adhere to a dual religious thought system, with one foot in
iigo, and the other in contemporary Christian thought.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
The foregoing background reveals that, despite adherence to iigo having been
deeply condemned by missionaries, it continues to resurface in contemporary
Christianity. Missionaries branded iigo as "satanic" and strongly antagonized Ago
more than any other religious specialists. As such, they had to be overcome, a
belief still held. Consequently, there has been a continuous "demonization" and
condemnation of the beliefs and practices of iigo since the inception of
Christianity in Gikiiyfiland
Seen in this light, one would have expected that with such repudiation and
evangelization against it, beliefs and practices in iigo would have been obviated.
However, despite strong condemnation, many Gikiiyii Christians continue
adherence to iigo, a practice that poses serious theological challenges. Why would
Gikiiyfi Christians, having been evangelized for over 100 years continue
adherence to iigo] What religious significance does iigo hold in Giktiyfi
worldview? What aspects of iigo practices continue to appeal to so many
14
Christians despite the Church's strong condemnation of the practice? How can the
Church intervene? These questions made it imperative for this study to
investigate.
Besides, many Christians adhere to iigo, albeit in secret, thereby spurring a dual-
personality among Gikiiyti Christians. Besides excommunicating such believers,
the Church has not come up with concrete ways to address the problem. Gikiiyii
Christians, like many others in Africa, continue living a double life, on one side,
under sanctions and on the other, in secretive cultural practices ultimately
prohibited by the Church. This has a negative impact not only on the spiritual
growth of the individual, but also of the Church. No wonder, Christianity remains
superficial among Gikfiyii Christians. It is in this regard that this study set out to
investigate what satisfactory intervention services the Church can put in place to
replace the roles played by iigo.
1.3 Purpose of the Study
This study aimed at investigating causes of duality problem created by
consultation of beliefs and practices in iigo by Gikfiyii PCEA Christians ofNyeri
Presbytery. Broadly, the study sought to find out possible strategies to resolve the
dualism by inculturating beliefs in iigo, so that Gikfiyu PCEA Christians may
have a wholistic Christian living.
15
1.4. Objectives of the Study
The study endeavoured to:
1. Examine the extent of adherence to iigo in Gikiiyii indigenous
beliefs and practices.
2. Evaluate the Church of Scotland Missionaries' interpretation of
iigo in their evangelization process among the Glkfiyii PCEA
Christians.
3. Investigate the determinants of vulnerability of Giktiyii PCEA
Christians to the beliefs and practices in iigo despite Christian
evangelization.
4. Identify strategies the PCEA Church can put in place of inculturating
Christianity into beliefs and practices in iigo.
1.5. Research Questions
The study interrogated the following research questions:-
1. Are there beliefs and practices in iigo among the Gikiiyii
Community?
2. How did the beliefs and practices sustain Gikfiyil Community
before the coming of Christianity?
3. Did the methods of evangelization of the Church of Scotland
Mission integrate beliefs and practices in iigo into Christianity?
16
4. What determines vulnerability of Glkfiyii PCEA Christians to the
beliefs and practices in iigo despite Christian evangelization?
5. Are there strategies the PCEA Church can use to inculturate
Christianity into beliefs and practices in iigo
1.6. Research Premises
1. The beliefs and practices in iigo are central in Glkiiyii religious and
cultural thought.
2. The Church of Scotland Missionaries' interpretation of Gikiiyfi's
beliefs and practices to iigo was that of denigration rather than
theological elucidation.
3. Gikfiyil Presbyterians Christians are vulnerable to beliefs and
practices in iigo despite Christian evangelization
4. There are strategies the PCEA Church can put in place to
inculturate Christianity into beliefs and practices in iigo.
1.7. Justification and Significance of the Study
First, the findings of this study are useful to African Church leaders, lay-
evangelists and Christian educators as well as, the general laity in understanding
why Christians continue to consult Ago, and what themes of the beliefs and
practices in iigo should be inculturated for effective evangelism. This body of
knowledge contributes to theological education in the area of inculturation and
____ ,,11 z •••• MAnv
17
missiology. The study also provides the Church ministers with information on
how to inculturate the African spiritual dimension typified by beliefs and
practices in iigo in their worship and teaching services in form of health and ritual
purification, hence making their Churches relevant and indigenous. Further, this
work will act as a guide for Christian educators to teach the laity in a way that the
Christian message becomes relevant in terms of theology, liturgy and the general
life of the Church.
Second, the study addresses the dualism problem. The Gikiiyfi Presbyterian
Christians live a dual life, a phenomenon that inhibits the growth and genuine
expression of the Christian faith. This study therefore, makes a contribution in
resolving a religious schizophrenia among the Christians by proposing an
inculturation procedure.
Third, the study makes a significant contribution to the on-going debate in the
global arena for the construction of local theologies, which take into account the
Gospel, Church, and indigenous cultures. The work responds to this need by
suggesting that some cultural elements in Africa communities as well as in others
in the world can be inculturated, thus giving Christians of all cultures a wholistic
living.
18
Finally, this work has practical relevance, in that its findings are helpful in
revealing the need for inculturation of other religious and culture themes that
make GikflyflChristians live in duality. The study therefore responds to Gikiiyfi-
felt needs of inculturating belief and practices in iigo that have left them operating
in two thought systems for over a hundred years of evangelism.
1.8. Scope and Limitation
The study covers the period between 1908 and 2008. The year 1908 is notable
since it's the time the Church of Scotland Mission (CMS) opened a mission centre
in Tumutumu, Nyeri. The year also marks the beginning of the Western
theological hegemony and cultural imperialism that accelerated the disintegration
of Gikfiyii beliefs and practices in iigo. The year 2008 is important for it
coincided with the first centennial celebration of the establishment of the
Tumutumu Mission by the CSM. Thus, one hundred years is a good time frame to
examine the belief and practices in iigo in the study area. However, the study
being historical, and covering such a long period, finding respondents especially
for the formative years of the missionary station was such a challenge. Therefore,
the study had to depend on archival materials for instance, Kikuyu News journals
and historical books to countercheck information from the field.
The study also focused on all Ago as a group without looking at specific areas of
specialization. There is a possibility that if such aspects were considered
19
separately, they may yield different findings. Besides, the scarcity of genuine Ago
was a challenge, for some have turned commercial and unwilling to give
information freely, without "nduhi" (payment for consulting Miindii Miigo).
Others posed as being more knowledgeable than they actually were. This was
overcome by the formation of a committee of two Ago who counter-checked all
information.
1.9 Conclusion
Mystical powers are common beliefs all over the world although practiced
differently from continent to continent. In Africa the belief pervades all aspects of
life, but mainly experienced in form of divination, sorcery and witchcraft.
Ironically, despite Christian condemnation, belief in mystical powers is inherent
among Christians. This has been observed among Presbyterian Christians of
Nyeri Presbytery, which was the core focus of this study. Chapter one therefore
introduces the problem of religious dualism, observed among PCEA Christians.
The chapter observes that missionary Christianity ignored African belief systems
rendering them superstitious and Satanic. By so doing, they (missionaries)
ignored the deep rooted African worldview in a religious thought pattern
experienced through iigo beliefs and practices. As such, Christians revert to
mystical powers in beliefs and practices in iigo, especially in times of crisis,
thereby seeking solutions to their problems, a vacuum Christianity does not seem
to quench. The chapter concludes by observing that, solutions to the problem lie
20
in the principle of inculturation, a subject whose theoretical concept will be
addressed in the next section of literature review and conceptual framework.
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
This section reviews literature related to the study. The literature is arranged
thematically under, the beliefs and practices in divination among the African
indigenous communities, Western missionaries' interpretation of beliefs and
practices in divination, their evangelization process among the Africans and
factors that make African Christians susceptible to beliefs and practices in
divination and inculturation of the same. Further, the chapter indicates the gaps
that still exist in the literature reviewed vis -a- vis the salient issues related to the
study.
2.2 Adherence to iigo in Gikfiyfi indigenous beliefs and practices.
Some scholars have concentrated on the study in divination at continental level.
They include Parrinder (1962), Mbiti (1969), Idowu (1971), Mitchell (1977) and
Schoffeleers (1989). These writers give an account of divination and diviner-
doctors involved. They observe that these religious specialists above others
embody the presence of God, beliefs and practices of their communities and their
moral values. The aforementioned specialists are also custodians of the religious
heritage and knowledge of their communities. According to Mbiti, diviner-doctors
typify what is best in a given community. In the analysis of divination, these
authors seem to agree that diviner-doctors rescue individuals or the community in
22
matters of health and general welfare. A careful examination of these writers'
work underscores the fact that in some cases, a person may inherit the profession
of divination from the parents. In other cases, a person may be called through a
dream while another may purchase it from an experienced diviner-doctor.
Nevertheless all diviner- doctors achieve their status through their outstanding
abilities and intelligence. After being commissioned to the profession, a person
associates himself or herself with a skilled diviner to learn the science of the
medicine. However, these writers fail to explain if there is an African affiliation to
beliefs and practices in divination even after converting to Christianity. This study
will go deeper to find out why beliefs in divination have persisted among Gikfiyfi
Presbyterian Christians.
Some anthropologists have emphasized the important place occupied by rituals in
African indigenous religious thought. Davies-Floyed (2004:8), for example,
defines ritual as "a patterned, repetitive, and symbolic enactment of a cultural
belief or value". Van Gennep (1908), Turner (1967, 1969) and Taber (1981) in
their work have actually shown that these rituals can be subdivided according to
the functions they perform in the community. Generally, the classifications they
give include: 1) life cycle rituals; 2) crisis rituals; and 3) calendrical rituals. The
term "rite of passage" has been used widely by the aforementioned scholars to
refer to ritual process in first and third category following Van Gennep (1908),
who was the first to name and analyze them. The contributions of the
23
aforementioned scholars thus provide a conceptual foundation to the attention
given to the initiation and practices in Ago in the present study.
There are also those scholars whose work is based on individual African
communities. They include; Buana- Kibongi (1969), Setiloane (1979), Janzen
(1978), Shorter (1986) and Gehman (2005). They argue that diviner-doctors are
multi- tasked individuals, combining functions whose scope embraces everything
affecting an individual or his family, which in contemporary communities is
performed by specialists of different fields. Their studies exemplify the dynamics
of medicine personnel as counsellors, healers, advisers and defenders of the
communities against witchcraft. This study pursued their line of argument
through beliefs and practices in iigo
Most of Literatures that deal in iigo are of anthropological and sociological nature
and not on religion. They include; Cagnolo (1933), Kenyatta (1938), Hobley
(1938), Middleton (1953), Routledge and Routledge (1968), Verona (1977), and
Leakey (1977). However, Scholars such as Cagnolo, Routledge and Routledge,
Hobley, Verona and Middleton describe beliefs and practices in iigo as irrational,
idolatrous and a form of witchcraft labelling those involved in it as living under
the shackles and shadows of irreligion, ignorance and savagely. According to
these writers, such devilish practices could only be eliminated through embracing
Christianity and Western education. However, as outsiders, it comes out clearly
24
that these scholars had no insight into the deeper meaning of iigo among Gikiiyii
before making their conclusions, hence the need for this study. Kenyatta and
Leakey (ibid) on their part contend that iigo profession belongs to outstanding
men in the community who are noted for their great wisdom, uprightness of life
and other qualities of leadership. They further note that Ago act not only as
herbalists, but also often as counsellors and diviners. Their work is significant in
that it highlights the office personality and duties of Ago. However, since these
writers' major focus was not on persistence on the beliefs and practices in ftgo,
among Christians, this work helps to answer the question of why Giktlyii
Christians continue to believe in iigo.
Contemporary Gikfiyfi theologians have reflected a considerable portion of their
work to the discussion of Gikiiyti religion and culture. They observe that the first
converts were reluctant to abandon their cultural framework that determined who
they were (Kibicho, 1972; Kang'ethe, 1981, Karanja, 1999, and Klrika, 1988).
Aforementioned scholars devote a section on beliefs and practices in iigo. They
argue that the conferment of the office of Ago is through special call from God
that has to be confirmed through certain signs. They were publicly initiated to the
office so that everyone in the neighborhood recognized them as members of the
profession. Their training involves some kind of apprenticeship under experienced
Ago. Scholars also note that Ago duties involve healing, divination and combating
witchcraft. Notably, these writers wrote after Christianity had taken root in
25
Gikiiyiiland. Nevertheless, they do not tell us why beliefs and practices in iigo
continue among Gikiiyii many years after evangelization. Their analysis is of
interest however, to the present study, as they note that majority of the early
Gikiiyii converts did not abandon iigo.
2.3. Church of Scotland Missionaries' interpretation of ilgo in the
evangelization process among the Gikfiyfi PCEA Christians.
Okorocha (1992), Mbiti (1969), Idowu (1971) and Oduyoye (1998b)
acknowledge that Africans are inherently religious. According to them, religion
pervades African entire societies. They also note that nowhere is religiosity
expressed more vividly than in divination. Mbiti (ibid) on his part observes that
divination is a key phenomenon of African Religion. A number of East African
scholars, among them Waliggo (1965) Nyamiti (1984) Wachege (1992) and
Magesa (1998) contend that beliefs and practices in divination are so central in
African life and being that they resurface in contemporary scientific age even
after a century of suppression and negation through colonialism, Western
education and missionaries' evangelization. Their work is relevant to this study by
stating that Christians have the habit of retreating to divination once they find that
Christianity cannot solve some of the mysteries of life. Such notion is the essence
of this study.
Several scholars have studied the approach used by Western missionaries in the
evangelism of African peoples (Bediako, 1995; Bahemuka, 1989; Shorter, 1994;
26
Maimela, 1992 and Mugabe, 1994). These scholars observe that the missionaries
adopted the condemnation of indigenous religions and cultural heritage of African
peoples approach, thus labelling them 'primitive' 'pagan' and 'devilish' and the
diviner doctors as agents of the evil one. African beliefs were perceived as
incompatible with Christianity. It was reckoned that such practices were steeped
in evil religious experiences, thus, they were repudiated (Hiebert, 1994). As a
result, African religio-cultural systems such as indigenous healing, ritual practices
and religious knowledge were substituted with Western Cultural and religious
worldview thereby, creating a disconnection in the people. The aforementioned
scholars provide background information in this inquiry of the methods used by
the Scotland missionaries in the evangelizing Gikfiyii.
Missionaries' approach of transplanting Euro-centric Christianity III total
disregard of local cultures has been noted by scholars and creative writers such as
Achebe (1958); Wa Thiong'o (1965), p'Bitek (1967) and Liyong (1971). In their
view, Christianity disrupted the African social setup, religious organization and
governance. To buttress this argument, Thiong'o (1972) notes that Christianity,
"whose basic doctrine is love and equality between all peoples", brought only
confusion to the Africans. It caused Africans to despise their indigenous customs
and religious heritage, only to imbibe Western culture indiscriminately, thus
leading to the current cultural identity crisis among Africans. This study, though
27
specific in scope is carried out in constant dialogue with the relevant aspects of
the writing of African creative writers.
Gikilyii authors have documented CSM missionaries' attitude toward Gikfiyii
culture. Kirika (1988), Kangethe (1981), Kibicho (2006), Githieya (1987) and
Gatu (2006), observe that missionaries condemned Gikilyii religio-cultural
practices such as ancestral veneration, witchcraft, divination, intoxicating liquor,
songs and clitoridectomy without offering an alternative, thus creating a religious
vacuum. As such, belief and practices in iigo continue to be utilized in explaining
events (for example illness, failure of exams, barrenness and child mortality)
despite the advent of Christianity, formal education, urbanization and
Westernization. However, the scholars do not tell us whether Christianity
conceptualized in the Western mindset is adequate in dealing with the beliefs and
practices in iigo. These scholars contribute to this study in analyzing the
missionaries' approach upon the beliefs and practices in iigo. This implies that the
missionaries' evangelism method lacked inculturation thereby contributing to the
disruption of the African cultural and religious heritage. This scenario precipitates
a dual religious mindset among Gikiiyil Christians.
28
2.4 Determinants of vulnerability of Gmiiyii PCEA Christians to beliefs and
practices in iigo
African Scholars, most of them Christian theologians, studied African religion
with the subtle motive of using it as a form of "praeparatio-evangelica'", intended
to make Christianity a replacement in Africa. Their mission-oriented background
extensively influenced their writings, which tilted towards crusader-evangelism.
Horton (1995) notes that the greatest error of African theologian-scholars was
their resort to a defensive oppositional approach in the study of African religion.
In this context, there are two groups. The first includes those who see "radical
continuity" between the Christian and African concepts of God, such are Idowu
(1962, 1972), Ezeanya (1963), Mbiti (1969, 1970) and Kibicho( 1972, 1980). The
second, Ilogu (1974), Kato (1975), Gehman (1991) and Turaki (2006) see a
"radical discontinuity" between African religion and Christianity.
In Horton's view, African Christian Scholars were largely biased in their primary
allegiance to Christian religion. That orientation, according to p'Bitek (1971) and
Horton (1995) has made them present largely a distorted picture of goals of
African religion. Horton (1995), for this reason, refers to these scholars as
members of the "Devout opposition" who, as p'Bitek protests, are noted for
clothing African religious views in Judeo-Christian schemes. Their "Devout
oppositions" line of argument is that the primacy and centrality of African
5 A presupposition that African religio-cultural heritage provides a background for interpreting
and explaining meaningfully Christianity in the thought pattern of Africans.
29
religion is the concept of communion with and worship of Supreme Being as
against all lesser spiritual beings. By so doing, they ended up making African
religion lose its proper identity and image in the whole process. Consequently,
they failed in their researches and writings to respond adequately to the functions
of African religion whose answers are important, and yet still unresolved as for
proper understanding of religious dualism.
According to Horton (ibid), "the devout oppositions" scholars make a very gross
error by focusing on the idea of the Supreme Being and its attributes, while
neglecting to create proportionate space and attention of the functions of African
religion. In Horton's view, African religious beliefs, practices, rituals, offerings,
sacrifices and ceremonies seem to suggest that Africans are preoccupied with
their security, needs and wellbeing, in their dealings with the spirit beings and the
mystical powers that surround them. Africans are more interested in what they
can get from their religion than in what they can contribute. Thus Africans have a
utilitarian approach to religion. The present study, therefore, was interested in
finding out which of the above conclusions, the "devout oppositions" (African
theologians) or Horton's was corroborative in the beliefs and practices in iigo.
In the African indigenous worldview, life is generally under threat from a variety
of hostile forces. Evans- Pritchard (1976), Turner (1977), Mbiti (1969),
Domingues (2000) and Turaki (2006) affirm that, there is much unhealthy fear in
30
African life. Fear of sickness, death and sorcery, permeate every aspect of life.
Evans-Pritchard notes that to a typical African, it is mainly evil forces that rule
the earth that make life unsafe for all. These evil forces, as Mbiti (1969)
observes, are mystical authorities believed to work against all progress, health and
prosperity. These forces are believed to work through evil people who are in
alliance with them, who include the sorcerers and witches (Domingues, 2000).
However, scholars fail to tell us whether in African worldview, Christianity is
inadequate in dealing with the same. This study goes deeper to find out why
beliefs in evil forces have persisted among the Gikiiyii PCEA Christians.
Turaki (2006) also states that Africans are directly or indirectly affected by
beliefs and activities connected with evil mystical powers particularly in their
manifestation as magic, sorcery and witchcraft. These encompass beliefs in the
work of avenging spirits, curses, taboos and the gratuitous work of angry
ancestors. If beliefs and practices in mystical power mentioned above is an
exclusively non-Christian problem, it would be less significant, but the religious
fear penetrates into the circumference of African Christians (Banda, 2005).
Therefore, their work would be helpful to explain why Gikiiyu Christians revert to
indigenous practices, which is normally related to mystical powers through belief
and adherence to iigo.
31
African worldview has over the years shaped African Christianity. Africans were
enticed to join Christianity and accept Christ, who would allegedly save them
from ritual contamination and forces that threaten them (Domingue 2000). For
this to happen, converts had to abandon their belief system and practices.
However, Shorter (1985) notes that the pre-colonial rituals and public practices
have gone but the religious philosophy, which underlined many traditional belief
systems remains present in the depths of the spiritual experience of most
contemporary African Christians. As a result, converts return to forbidden
practices as the situation necessitates. Although their observations may be right,
these scholars are propagating a mono-cultural Christianity from the West instead
of inculturated Christianity that recognizes the plurality of cultures that Christ
must be incarnated to give local Christians wholistic Christian living, wholistic.
This study overcomes mono-cultural Christianity by inculturation of belief and
practices in iigo.
. Idowu (1971) asserts that African religion is practiced in various forms both in
rural and urban settings by African Christians. Magesa (1998) affirms that African
Christians operate in two different forms: the "official", which is sanctioned by
the Church and the "popular" which is conditioned by a belief system that has
proved impossible to wipe out. Waliggo (1965) demonstrates its persistence
among the Baganda of Uganda. He notes that within the Catholic Church, despite
the spread of Christianity among the Baganda, many expressions of their belief
32
system, such as oathings, divination and the use of healing practices still persist.
This is irrespective of the Uganda Catholic Church's condemnation of the
practices. Based on the views of the aforementioned scholars, it is hard for some
elements of a culture to be changed by external influences such as Christianity.
Consequently, this study addressed the dual - personality problem in order to
offer Gikiiyfi Christians a wholistic and integral living.
Kibicho (2006), Karanja (1999) and Kang'ethe (1981) point out that African
religion continues to be present in the spiritual experience of African Christians
more strongly than had been realized before. Kibicho (2006) notes that despite
missionaries' activities in Gikfiyfiland that resulted in a very significant degree of
religious change, beliefs in iigo has survived to this day. Karanja (2006) and
Kang'ethe (1981) allude that to Gikiiyii, iigo provides answers to diseases and
misfortunes in terms of personal causality mainly consulted in times of
difficulties. According to the scholars above, through iigo, Ago are not only able
to identify the agent that is causing a particular affliction but also prescribe the
cure through appropriate measures of treatment and protection. Leakey (1977)
adds that ugo fills a great vacuum in Gikiiyil community; its presence gives them
the assurance. This study explored these issues for effective inculturation.
Observably, scholars do not show in details why beliefs in iigo continue to wield
such great power and influence among Gikiiyii Christians who have embraced
33
Christianity for more than 100 years. This study has evaluated the underlying
factors that continue to render Gikiiyfi Christians susceptible to the beliefs and
practices in iigo.
2.5. Inculturation Strategies for the PCEA Church for Incorporating
Christianity into beliefs and practices in iigo
A number of scholars at continental level support inculturation. They include;
Kraft (1979), Idowu (1973), Bediako (1995), Pobee (1979) and Oduyoye (1989).
In their view, Christianity should be related to the local culture to remove the
foreignness associated with it. It should also be freed to grow within the African
cultural heritage so as to have an African imprint. Their work is extremely useful
in inculturation beliefs and practices in iigo .
A number of scholars have examined the terminologies which best describe the
appropriate relationship between Christianity and culture. They include Shorter
. (1977), Waliggo (1986), Nasimiyu (1986), Nthamburi (1991) and Kiaziku (2009).
The terms are: indigenization, accommodation, adaptation, contextualization,
acculturation, enculturation, incarnation and inculturation. According to Nasimiyu
(1986), Waliggo (1986 and Kiaziku (2009), the word inculturation is favoured
over other terminologies as it is inclusive of all the others. It describes the type of
Christianity in which the Gospel is inserted into the local culture, thereby
facilitating simultaneously the transformation of culture and the transmission of
34
the Gospel. The work of these scholars is useful in suggesting that the term
inculturation provides the best procedure of giving Gikfiyii Presbyterian
Christians a wholistic living.
There are other scholars whose work is based on individual communities of East
Africa. They include; Mbiti (1970), Kibicho (1972) and Nasimiyu- Wasike
(1986). The significance of their work is that they take a subject such as
eschatology (Mbiti, 1970), the concept of God (Kibicho, 1972) rite of passage
(Nasimiyu- Wasike, 1986) and relate them to Christianity. Mbiti for example,
made an attempt to inculturate the biblical concept of eschatology into the
Akamba religious worldview. Kibicho (67), for instance shows that the Gikfiyii
conception of Ngai (God) constitutes a genuine revelation of God and is "as
completely and fully salvific as any religion could be". Throughout, African
people knew God long before missionaries came and referred to him by various
names, worshipped and turned to him in times of difficulties. Nasimiyu (1986)
.also suggests inculturation of Catholic catechism of instruction into the Abaluyia
puberty rites of passage. This work has greatly enriched the study in inculturating
the indigenous healing and ritual purification themes in iigo.
Studies undertaken on inculturation but specifically on Christology, which
include; Hinga (2001), Nyamiti (1984), Bujo (1992), Oduyoye (1989b), Nasimiyu
- Wasike (1989) and Udoh (1983), underscore the fact that missionaries imposed
a culturally Westernized Christ to the Africans. According to Bahemuka (1989),
35
Jesus, fashioned in the images of the colonial masters, arrived in Africa with
Western workers with the intent to capture African land. To qualify as disciples
of Jesus, Africans had to drop their unique identity and adopt a theological
mindset and religious hermeneutic of the West. To the Africans, a serious
implication of the imperialist Jesus as proclaimed by the missionaries is that Jesus
is foreign and absent in several life crisis such as; birth, puberty, marriage, illness
and death (Appiah - Kubi, 1977).
To this end, many African Christians experience a religious vacuum. To them,
Christ is either absent, indifferent or insufficient to deal with their problems. The
religious vacuum is reflected in the African Christians' persistence in indigenous
religious practices among them beliefs in curses, oathings and traditional healing
(Kahindi 1988, Warnue, 1988 and Mwaura, 2001). In this connection, this study
agrees with these scholars that African Christians have suffered from a form of
religious schizophrenia emanating from the way Christ was packaged to them.
This study addresses the issue of religious dualism in connection to
evangelization of the Gikilyii by CSM missionaries. It has explored some of the
beliefs and practices in iigo that should be inculturated to give Gikiiyti Christians
a wholistic life.
However, in the examination of the content of African Christologies, Nyamiti
(1998) identifies two main schools; inculturation and liberation. Inculturation
•••••• a""''\1 I I"""nv
36
Christologies attempt to elucidate the work of Christ by employing cultural
themes, based on African communities. He delineates two of the most promising
approaches that have been advocated by African theologians. Liberation
Christologies is defined as a discourse to situate the work of Christ into the
sociological and political experience of Africa people. Black Christology" and
African Women's Christology belong to this school of liberation Christology.
However, these two prongs of liberation Christology lie beyond the scope of this
study. On Inculturation Christologies, there are those who attempt to elucidate
their titles by focusing on the biblical teaching about Christ and strive afterwards
to confer to Jesus some African religious titles and concepts. This has been
advanced by Mbiti (1972) and Appiah Kubi (1977). On the other hand, there are
those whose approach utilizes African cultural images and concept to construct an
African Christology. This method can either be analogue, that is, identifying an
African theme such as an ancestor with Christ; or even dialectical, where Christ is
presented in contrast to a given African idea, for example, a witch (Nyamiti
1994). This former approach is what is popular with many theologians.
6 Black theology is concerned with racist oppression, exploitation of black people and how they
can be liberated from the same (King 1994). Boesak (1976), Mufokeng (1983), and Maimela
(1992) delineate their Christologies from premises of black people experience of suffering,
oppression and exploitation under colonialism and apartheid and continually struggle with the
prevailing realities of poverty, diseases, under development and social inequalities.
7 Akpev & Smith (2004) situate African feminist Christology between African Christo logy and
Black Christology. Evidently, they indicate that African feminist Christology arose out of the
concern that both African Christology and Black Christo logy do not address the issues of
oppression of women in Africa. Africa Women theologians really use titles for Christ drawn from
African categories like their male counterparts. As their voices indicate, they begin their
Christologies from experiences of women and search for parallels and solutions in the person and
work of Christ.
37
The mostly widely used title is ancestor. This concept is particularly common
among Bantu people, who see ancestors as the highest link after God in the
ontological order of beings. The divine life force flows from God through
ancestors to the living. To qualify as an ancestor one must have lived a virtuous
life and contributed to the wellbeing of the community. A number of African
theologians have used this image in developing the subject among different lines.
Among these are Pobee (1979), Bujo (1992), Nyamiti (1984) and Kabasele
(1998a). Equally, a concept proposed by many African theologians is that of
Christ, as traditional doctor or healer. Early on, Kibongi (Dickson 1969)
proposed the use of this model and Setiloane (Appiah-Kubi &Torres 1979)
reinforced it. Needless to say, no theologian heeded the call; the proponents who
use this approach in formulation African Christo logy are Shorter (1982) and
Schoffeleers (1994), while Manu (1979), Pobee (1987), and Kabasele (1998b)
use chief, Udoh (1978)" Guest Sanon, (1998) master of initiation and Wachege,
(1992) ideal elder. The Inculturation Christologies are relevant to this study. They
deal with a need throughout Africa for inculturation of Christianity in order to
overcome the religious duality experienced by African Christians for effective
evangelism. This study goes a long way in filling this gap.
2.6. Conceptual Framework
The conceptual framework of the present study was drawn and adapted from three
important theories, namely ritual symbolism enunciated by Turner(1967, 1969),
38
Horton's African religion as a one of manipulation (Horton, 1995) and Niebuhr's
(1951) Evangelistic model. Turner's theory focuses on the rituals and symbols,
and the roles both play in the life of a community. Horton's elucidates that the
African religion is of manipulation and communion to achieve an ulterior motive.
Niebuhr's explores five possible models to define the nature and the relation
between Christianity and cultures. The three theories are summarized below;
In study of the Ndembu, a Central African community in Zambia as his ground
for structural analysis of ritual symbolism, Turner (1967) offers two rituals; the
Isoma and Wabwang'u. To him, a ritual is required either when a social norm is
violated or when different social norms corne into conflict with each other. In the
Isoma ritual, the Ndembu cure married women suffering from reproductive
troubles and in Wabwang'u, energizes a woman who would give birth or has born
twins.
Turner deals mostly with dichotomized attributes of rituals objects- the symbols.
He expresses this in the definition of a ritual: Ritual, he notes, is "a stereotyped
sequence of activities involving gestures, words and objects, performed in a
sequestered place, and designed to influence preternatural entities or forces on
behalf of the actors' goals and interests" (Turner, 1977: 183). He further notes
that rituals are "storehouses" of meaningful symbols by which information is
revealed and regarded as authoritative, as dealing with the crucial values of the
39
community. Likewise, a symbol is the smallest unit of a ritual which still retains
the specific properties of a ritual behaviour. It is "a storage unit" filled with a vast
amount of information, a "basic building block", and a "molecule" of a ritual
(Turner; 1967:19). SYmbols are thus objects, activities, words, relationships,
events, gestures, or spatial units. Furthermore, turner points out that, not only do
symbols reveal crucial social and religious values; they also transform human
attitudes and behaviour. The handling of symbols in ritual exposes their powers to
act upon and change the persons involved in the performance (Turner, 1967).
Turner draws a distinction between dominant and instrumental symbols.
Dominant symbols appear in many different ritual contexts, but their meaning
possesses a high degree of autonomy and consistency throughout the total
symbolic system. Instrumental symbols are the means of attaining the specific
goals of each ritual performance. They can be investigated only in terms of a total
. system of symbols which make up a particular ritual, since their meaning can be
revealed only in relation to other symbols. A dominant symbol, according to
Turner (1967:31-32), has three separate but closely related properties. First,
condensation means that one single dominant symbol represents many different
things and actions. Second, unification of disparate referents- symbols in this case
represent concepts drawn from different domains of social experience and ethical
classification. Third, polarization of meaning, in which dominant symbols possess
40
two distinct poles, is at the ideological or normative pole. This meaning is drawn
from physiological, social and moral experiences.
Based on the above, Turner (1967:50-52; 1969; 11-12) infers that the properties
of symbols come from three levels of meaning: the exegetical, operational and
positional meanings. On exegetical level, the meaning is obtained from
questioning indigenous informants such as ritual specialists and other categories
of informants about the observed ritual behaviour, so that a symbol's manifest
sense can be revealed. Operational meaning is derived from observing not only
what is said about a ritual, but also what is done with it and how it is used. This
includes inquiries about why certain people are involved while others are
excluded in particular ritual ceremony. Positional meaning of a symbol refers to
its relationship with other symbols in the total ritual complex and reveals the
symbol's hidden senses. That is, the symbol becomes fully meaningful only in
relation to others of different ritual performance.
Turner makes the distinction between life-crisis rituals and rituals of affliction
(Turner, 1967). Each type, however, shares the characteristics noted in the
definition of the ritual he gave above. Life-crisis rituals refer to those classes
which mark the transition of one phase to another in person's growth. Those
phases such as birth, initiation, and marriage are important points in the physical
or social development for a person destined to be a Miindii Miigo. Rituals of
41
affliction, on the other hand, are performed to rectify misfortunes in life such as
illness, childlessness, drought and war. Diviner- doctors tend to ascribe the
aforementioned misfortune to mystical agents such as evil wishes of sorcerers and
witches, anger of neglected living-dead, breaches of taboo and rightful curses by
appropriate persons.
According to Turner (1979: 469), misfortunes never happen entirely by chance;
they always have "why?" and "who?" behind them. "Why?" is the ever- present
question when a misfortune strikes. The answer to the question "why?" can only
be answered by diviner-doctors through divination. The diviner- doctors not only
identify the mystical agent as the immediate cause of affliction, but also relate that
agent's activities to specific disturbances in the patient's social environment.
Divination as Turner notes, becomes a kind of social analysis, and the patient's
treatment requires tensions and aggressions in the group's system of relations to
.be brought to light and exposed to ritual treatment. Such a ritual is intended to
restore harmony to a cosmic and social order which has been disrupted or broken.
The crisis provides the evidence for such disruptions. Turner, thus conclude that
"rites of affliction relate directly or indirectly to the current state of interpersonal
and intergroup conflicts in a demarcated field of on-going social relations"
(Turner, 1967: 58).
Moving on to ritual process, Turner, found the basis to develop his processual
view from Van Gennep's rites of passage. Van Gennep (1960: 14) defines rites of
42
passage as "rites which accompany every change of place, state, social position
and age". He indicates that all such rites generally consist of three principle stages
namely: separation (when a person or group becomes detached from an earlier
fixed point in the social structure or from social condition or status), transition or
liminal (where the ritual subject is in the state of ambiguity since he/she is not in
the old state and has not yet reached the new one), and finally, the integration
(when the ritual subject enters a new stable state with its own rights and
obligations).
According to Turner (1969: 94-97, 125-130), the most salient feature of all rites
of passage is their transitional nature; which involve "liminality". The stage of
being "betwixt and between" - is no longer part of the old and not yet part of the
new. It is a state characterized by overlapping meanings and lack of order. In the
liminal state of initiatory rites of passage, the ritual subject passes through a realm
that has few or none of the attributes of the past or coming state. One of the chief
characteristics of this liminal period is the gradual psychological "opening" of the
initiates to profound interior change. In initiation rites involving major transitions
into new social roles, this "openness" is achieved through rituals designed to
break down the initiate's belief system- the internal mental structure of concepts
and categories through which they perceive and interpret the world and their
relation to it (Turner, 1977).
43
Ritual techniques that facilitate this process include; first, "strange -making" such
as immersing into the river the candidates of iigo before initiation into the
profession. Second, "hazing" - the imposition of physical and mental hardships (in
initiation rite of a Miindii Miigo, the candidate takes vows of office while the
mentor and the assisting Ago are lying on top of him). Finally, symbolic
inversion, which works by metaphorically turning specific elements of the belief
system upside-down or inside-down, so that high is brought low, the low is raised
high, and the world in general is thrown into disarray (such as when the candidate
is walked naked by the mentor Miindii Miigo to be immersed into a river).
Turner's theory is useful in that it helps the study to infer that life cycle and
afflictions rituals contained in the preparation, call, initiation and practices in
reverence to Ago employ symbols in repeated patterns to effect transformations in
the lives of participants. Thus, they have the potential of attracting Glkiiyfi
Christians back to them since in liminal phases of these rituals; the symbolic
messages conveyed are engrained in their psyche like a seal.
According to Horton (1995), one of the definitions of African religion is credited
to Taylor (1871), who defined religion as the belief in spirits or in the
supernatural. However, Horton terms this definition as vague, for religion is more
than just a belief in mystical powers. Similarly, he observes that the definition of
African religion by scholars such as Geertz (1973) is inadequate. Horton argues
44
that one element of African religion is missing if the aforementioned definition is
to be plausible, and thus adds "manipulation". By manipulation, he means "a
social relationship in which one partner treats the other as a means to achieving an
ulterior end" (Horton, 1995:23).
Horton states that African religion is essentially a religion of predication, control
and manipulation among other goals. That is, a religion in which rituals is
engaged as a mean to an end and not an end in themselves. The end in this case, is
the protection of the Africans' welfare in the world, progress, survival and health,
and security and triumph over their adversaries. Horton stresses the fact that
although Africans believe that a person in his/her earthly existence cannot
negatively influence the spiritual beings ofhislher religion by causing them harm,
he/she can manipulate them through prayers and rituals. This elaboration shows
that Horton's theory sees African religion as pragmatic; a faith made by humans
to serve their interests and needs. The converse meaning of this theory is that,
African religion is what it is because an African person is what he/she is: non-
self-sufficient, a fragile being, vulnerable to the influences and caprices of the
agents of the spiritual plane. Hence, African religion is, for Horton, a this-worldly
religion and therefore, intended to favour human's effort in their existential battle
with the difficult problems and inadequacies of being in the world. In this view,
African religion is therefore understood as a problem- solution focused or indeed
a preventative or life management faith (Horton, 1995:24).
45
He further indicates that African religion is one of prediction, control and
manipulation, and does not agree with the views of other African theologians
influenced by Christian categories who concluded that communion with God is
the overriding aim of life. This in their opinion is achieved through praise and
worship directed to Him, as well as a yearning to live with God forever in a
heaven after graduating from an evil ridden world. In Horton's view, African
theologians seem to suggest that in the African mindset, there is an idea of a
flawed temporal world from which the individual longs to "escape into the
perfection of eternity" (Horton, 1995:166).
Horton findings on the goals of African religion did not support the above
conclusions of African theologians. His findings showed that the goals of the
African are worldly-oriented and concerned with humankind's immediate needs.
These contradict the goals of Christianity as portrayed in the mainline Churches,
which seem only sufficient to lead a believer to heaven but unable to address the
contemporary dilemmas of life. Thus, the aims of African religion manifest a
framework, where practionners focus not on graduating forever from this world,
but on the image of "the ideal after-life in which a man, having achieved high
status as head of a large family or lineage, enjoys similar status in the after-life.
thought, the continued attention and deference of his living descendents" (Horton,
1995: 167). On the base of the above, Horton therefore, concludes that the goals
of African religion must include the idea of a yearning for achieving control of
46
events in the current world, and for making an investment for eventual citizenship
in the world of their fore-bearers. Consequently, African religious rituals and
practices, should, operate simply as the potent means of securing the goodwill and
blessings of the members of the spiritual plane. Thus, African religion is
essentially a pragmatic religion aimed at prediction, control and manipulation of
the spiritual world.
This theory was useful in guiding the study to understand that Gikiiyii Christians'
worldview is grounded on their indigenous religion and its goals in life is to
predict, control and manipulate their spiritual beings through the services of Ago
to get good results. Further, their neglect of God and ancestral spirits leads to
punishment through diseases and misfortunes. The theory also informed the study
in formulation of questionnaires.
The third model for this study is Niebuhr's (1951) missiological motifs. Niebuhr
(1951) conceptualizes five theological paradigms showing relationships of Christ
to culture since the beginning of Christianity. These motifs are Christ against
culture, Christ of culture, Christ above culture, Christ and culture in paradox and
Christ the transformer of culture.
The approach that Niebuhr identifies as Christ against culture stresses the
opposition between Christ and culture. This implies a negative attitude to culture
47
as something hostile to Christianity, an approach that was used by the
missionaries. Its consequence is the idea of embracing Jesus Christ, which
deprives one the indigenous framework and adopts a Western worldview. The
Christ against culture paradigm was used in this study to eliminate without
purification elements in the beliefs and practices in iigo, which are incompatible
with the word of God, among them; witch hunting and charm making.
The second typology is that of Christ and culture. Jesus in this approach is not at
variant with cultures but a purifier, the fulfiller of hopes and aspirations. Jesus
confirms what is best in the past and guides the process of civilization to its
proper goal (Niebuhr, 1951:41). Christ of culture paradigm employs the Logos
spermatikos approach, that is, the 'seed of the word', which has been present at all
times, and in all cultures inspiring humanity to godly life (Ukpong 1994). Christ
of. Culture was used to select those themes in the beliefs and practices in iigo
which have total support of the whole biblical witness". Therefore, Jesus fulfills
the beliefs and practices in iigo on the basis of Matthew 5:17. Jesus told disciples
that "he did not come to destroy the law or the prophets" but instead to "fulfill
them". In this connection, it is possible to contend that Jesus does not abolish the
preparatory work in iigo but fulfills it. Thus some beliefs and practices in iigo
such as indigenous healing methods are compatible with Christianity.
8 Whole biblical witness or truth in this case means that the said themes are agreeable with the
Old and New Testament.
48
Niebuhr's third paradigm is Christ above culture. In this model, Christ is
delinked from every culture so that he is not monopolized or trapped by the
evangelizer's customs. In this approach, Christ enters from above with gifts that
people aspire to acquire. The ethos of Christ above every culture means that
Christ is not opposed to culture or absorbed into it. He is rather coming to perfect
it. In spite of the fact that Christ is considered to be discontinuous with culture, he
remains able to fulfill its aims and aspirations. In this study, we introduce Jesus
as the only one who can bring a total fulfillment of religious aspirations of Gikiiyii
which they struggle to satisfy through the beliefs and practices in iigo.
In the Christ above culture motif, Jesus does not need to destroy the core values
and beliefs of indigenous religion. There is need to recognize the existence of
Jesus' imprints in the beliefs and practices in iigo and examine how they relate to
Christianity. This motif should be applied to the beliefs and practices in iigo that
need purification and replace them with equally encompassing Christian rituals
thereby create a transformed worldview. The themes of the beliefs and practices
in iigo such as ritual purification which are not agreeable to the whole biblical
truth should undergo a refining process before their positive elements are
incorporated into corresponding Christian rituals such as baptism.
Niebuhr's fourth paradigm is Christ and culture in a paradox which addresses
religious duality. The nature of the paradox is that Christ is good and some
49
elements of human culture are sinful and corrupt. The motif concedes that Gikfiyfi
indigenous religio-cultural beliefs and practices in ugo need to be eradicated.
Underlying this paradigm is the belief that the work of Jesus Christ is unique and
stands opposed to iigo's ideology. The motif emphasizes the discontinuity
between beliefs and practices in iigo and Christianity. The application of this view
by CSM did create a dual religious mindset among Giktiyti Christians.
Niebuhr's last typology is that of Christ the transformer of culture. This is a more
hopeful and positive attitude towards culture, which implies that there is a need
for conversion or transformation. It takes cognizance of the impact of sin on
culture. According to Niebuhr, this fact is well articulated in 1 Corinthians 18:23
in which Paul describes the cross as a judgment to culture and resurrection as a
resource to a new life. Transformation in this study takes into consideration the
inadequacies and weaknesses of fallen human nature. Applied to this study, the
motif shows that beliefs and practices in ugo can enrich and transform Giktiyt;
Christianity in alignment with Jesus' redemptive revelation thereby creating a
Gikiiyii Christian community that is truly Christian and fully rooted within
Glkfiyil religio-cultural heritage.
50
2.7. Conclusion
This section concludes by observing that the content of African religion provides
fertile ground for inculturation. However, Christian missionaries ignored it and
opted to cast their Westernized Christianity to the African mindset. This impacted
negatively on Africans, as it developed a religious vacuum. It must be noted that
many Christological scholars have constructed their theological concepts within
the context of the ambivalent interaction between African and Western
missionaries of the 19th and early 20th centuries. By so doing, they have ignored
the contemporary issues that many African Christians wrestle with in their day-
today lives, and how such inform or shape their worldview. Their work fails to
show that African Christians face the challenge posed by pragmatism. In this
connection, Africans tend to explain Christianity only in terms of what it can do
for them, which is, provide solutions to their cultural, political, economical,
social, and religious problems. This explains why many resort to iigo when
Christianity fails to address their needs. The section notes that, any inculturation
study that hopes to be relevant in the 21 st century needs, on one hand, be relevant
to its immediate context and, on the other; address Africans' existential needs.
This study addresses this challenge.
The theories used namely Turner's ritual symbolism. Turner's theory offers a set
of tools to discover the meanings of ritual performances within beliefs and
practices in iigo which are dominated by myth and religious beliefs. Therefore,
this theory explores the manner in which ritual symbols are manipulated and
51
handled by Ago. Horton's theory on the other hand, notes that African religion as
one of prediction, control and manipulation. The theory shows that the aims of
the beliefs and practices in iigo among Gikfiyfi Christians are to predict, control
and manipulate the spiritual beings and supernatural powers in order to secure
their goodwill and protection. This framework precipitates religious dualism
among Gikiiyfi Christians. In utilizing two of Niebuhr's missiological models
namely Christ of Culture and Christ the transformer of cultures to illustrate the
inculturation paradigm, the study posit that Jesus reconstructs beliefs and
practices in iigo by challenging, sifting, transforming, and rebuilding them. In
this, any element within beliefs and practices in iigo, which is not supported by
Biblical teachings, is deemed incompatible with Christianity, and therefore should
be replaced. In respect to Christianity, the element that is found agreeable with
Biblical teachings is therefore perceived as compatible with Christianity, and
consequently adapted for integration process. The suggested theory is referred to
as "inculturational paradigm theory". It is hoped to reconstruct the Gikiiyii
Christians' worldview radically with the intent of creating a new understanding of
God and creation- that is, it incorporates Gikfiyii beliefs at the same time
reflecting Christianity. The following chapter on methodology will shed light on
how this is demonstrated through the usage of both primary and secondary data.
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
The chapter presents the methodological concepts utilized in this study. It
discusses the research design, site of the study, target population, sampling
techniques and sample size. It also highlights the research instruments and data
collection techniques, as well as data analysis procedures. In addition, the chapter
gives the ways data was management and concludes with ethical considerations.
3.1 Research Design
The study employed a descriptive cross-sectional survey design. The cross-
sectional survey approach was preferred because of its advantages such as being
applied to generalize given variables (beliefs and practices in ugo) , its ready
acceptance of statistical data analysis methods and its economy and efficiency
drawn from its data collecting strategy and its effectiveness in collecting
descriptive data (Marshall and Rossman, 2007). The cross-sectional design was
the most appropriate for this study since it dealt with different categories of
people; pastors, elders, ordinary Christians (laity) and Ago simultaneously. Data
collection was guided by the objectives of the study.
53
3.2 The Study Area
The location of the study was Nyeri Presbytery in Nyeri County (see maps 1, 2
and 3 in the appendixes). For a long period, Nyeri town has served as the
Provincial headquarters of the former Central Province. Nyeri Presbytery falls
within Nyeri town, and currently Nyeri County. Consequently, it offered a
cosmopolitan population with varied backgrounds and values. Nyeri Presbytery is
one of the 47 Presbyteries that form the PCEA Church. It is made up of 10
parishes. Owing to the fact that PCEA is a fairly big denomination and has many
presbyteries, it was considered appropriate to purposively select one. Nyeri
presbytery was chosen for various reasons. First, it has both urban and rural
settings, thereby offering an excellent field laboratory for the study.
Second, the Presbytery is closely located within the area where two Western
missionary societies confined their work. These were the Church of Scotland
mission (CSM) at Tumutumu and the Consolata Missionaries of the Roman
Catholic Missions (RCM) at Mathari. As such, one expects Christianity to have
taken deep root. Third, Nyeri Presbytery is centrally located with easy
communication as compared to other presbyteries that split from Tumutumu
mission. Nyeri presbytery's Christians have more access and may be influenced
by new ideas and values. This advantage is relevant in investigating the
persistence of beliefs and practices in iigo.
54
3.3 Target Population
The target population for this study was the 12,796 ordinary members including
youth and children, 20 Church Elders who were evangelized by missionaries and
18 Pastors in the membership rolls of ten parishes that form Nyeri Presbytery and
15 Andu Ago within the bound of the Presbytery. These were the targeted in the
study to make better and reliable presentation of the population for the study.
3.4 Sampling Procedure and Sample Size
Respondents were selected on various criteria such as gender, age, and education
levels and membership duration in the PCEA Church. It was assumed that these
variables have influenced the attitude of the members towards beliefs and
practices in iigo. The study was aware of the difference in socio-economic status
of the residential areas in which the parishes are located. This was used in
sampling parishes to cater for different categories of social economic status of the
target population.
3.4.1 Sampling Technique
(a) Parishes
The study employed stratified sampling approach. This method catered for three
strata of the population so that each was included in the sample. Nyeri Presbytery
is divided or stratified into rural, semi-urban and urban. The rural parishes are;
Thegenge, Gura, Kagumo, Gaki, Giakanja, and Wandumbi, while the Urban ones
are St. Cuthbert and Nyamachaki, Riamukurwe and King'ong'o are semi-urban.
55
Through a simple random technique, three parishes were selected, one from each
zone. This being a descriptive study, 10% of the accessible population was
enough (Kasomo 2007), but the study selected 30% of the parishes in Nyeri
Presbytery in order to minimize the standard error in the sampling frame and also
to give the study a wide diversity. The parishes were selected using the simple
random method. Each name of the parish in the stratum was written on a piece of
paper and dropped into a container, where a parish from each stratum was picked.
These were, Wandumbi Riamukurwe and Nyamachaki.
(b) Congregations
Churches were classified into three categories; rural, semi-urban, slum and urban.
Out of twenty Churches that form three parishes, six Churches were selected
using a combination of simple random, stratified and purposive sampling
techniques. These represent thirty percent of the accessible population of
Churches. The criterion used for stratification method was their location in rural,
semi-urban, slum or urban. This was the reason the study declined to select the
six congregations randomly though it had a clear basis for such a possibility. The
study was restricted by the fact that random sampling gives every variable equal
chance of selection, yet the scope of the study was also guided by the socio-
economic status of the residential area a Church is located. As such, Kiawara
(being low social economic area) and Nyamachaki congregations (in an affluent
56
area), were purposively chosen to cater for different categories within the social-
economic status. This represented the slums and urban categories and helped
avoid bias in the selection of respondents. The four congregations in Wandumbi
(rural) and Riamukurwe (semi-urban) parishes were selected using the simple
random. The name of each congregation was written on a piece of paper and
dropped into a container. The pieces of papers were mixed well and two
congregations from each parish picked, namely: Thunguma and Githenya
memorial. The six selected congregations had a membership of 1,219 as recorded
in the registers.
(c) Respondents
This study selected thirty percent (30%) respondents from each category of
accessible population. Based on a sample of 1,219 ordinary members from six
congregations, 20 Elders evangelized by the missionaries, 18 Pastors and 15 Ago
found within the three parishes under study. The sample constituted 364 Church
members, six pastors/evangelists, six elders and six Ago. Thus, there were 382
respondents in total. Sub-samples were chosen as discussed.
(i) Church Members
The sampling frame consisted of 1,219 Church members. Using the select of30%
criteria, 364 Church members were selected from the six congregations. This
study targeted persons aged 18 and above as they were thought to have vast
r57
experience and knowledge on the beliefs and practice of iigo. Gender balance was
taken into consideration, 151 were men and 213 were women. This could be
attributed to the fact that there are more females than males in the general
population. They were selected randomly from the parishes' registers.
Information from the Church members was significant to this study, as it served to
provide factors that make Gikfiyii Presbyterian Christians susceptible to beliefs
and practice in iigo.
Table 3.1 Sampling Table for Church Members
MALE FEMALE MALE FEMALE
Riamukurwe
Parish
GithenyaMemorial 305 131 174 39 52
Thunguma 254 111 143 30 43
Nyamachaki Parish
Nyamachaki 356 152 204 46 61
Kiawara 74 19 55 6 17
Wandumbi Parish
Gatumbiro 121 49 72 15 21
Githakwa 109 44 65 15 19
-
Total 1,219 506 713 151 213
Source: Adapted from Nyeri Presbytery
CONGREGATION TOTAL ACCESSIBLE
POPULATION POPULATION
RESPONDENTS TOTAL
30% FROM EACH RESPONDENl
CONGREGATION
58
(ii) ChurchElders
Six Church elders (three men and three women) from a list of 20 (30% of those
who were evangelized by missionaries) were selected. Purposive sampling was
used to select Church elders that were likely to give the required information on
missionaries' interpretation of the beliefs and practices of iigo in their
evangelization methods. The criterion for selection was based on missionary's
evangelization. Information from elders is important regarding the initial
encounter between Christianity andMiindii Miigo.
(iii) Pastors/ Evangelist
Six Pastors/Evangelist (three women and three men) were selected. The pilot
survey indicated that at the time of the research only two women were serving in
Nyeri Presbytery. As such, one woman evangelist was selected. This was
basically done to achieve a gender balance. Purposive sampling was used to
target five pastors and one evangelist. The criterion for selection was based on the
fact that these people had served in the Church for more than 5 years. Information
from the pastors/ evangelist was crucial for this study, because it helped clarify
the Church's policy regarding beliefs and practices in iigo,
(iv) Diviner-Doctor
59
This study selected diviner doctors in Nyeri Presbytery, at the time of the
research; there were 13 men and 8 women serving as Ago. This difference may be
attributed to the fact that women were not initiated into this profession of ugo in
the indigenous Gikilyii community. Consequently, the study selected 4 men and 3
women in the Ago's category based on 30% of the accessible population and
gender representation. They were identified through snowball method.
Information from Ago was vital to this study since it helped to clarify the call,
initiation, beliefs and practices in iigo.
3.5 Research Instruments
The research instruments used in this study were observation, self administered
questionnaires and interview. There were separate questions for Ago, elders,
pastors and ordinary Church members. Data was collected by use of self-
administered questionnaires from Church members who formed the largest group
of all categories. The questionnaires were open (for qualitative data) and closed-
ended (for quantitative data). According to Roberts (2004) blending of qualitative
and quantitative approaches allow greater depth of understanding and insight than
what is possible with just one approach. It also helps to overcome biases
contained in each method. The interview schedule was used where members of a
category were less than 20 and to ordinary Christians who did not know how to
read and write. Further, other follow-up questions based on the interviewees'
responses to the schedule with the intention to probe their views were also posed.
60
3.6 Pilot Survey and Pre- testing of Instruments
During the pilot survey, it was established that there was a big number of
Christians involved in iigo. However, the Church condemns these practices and
associates them with "Satan" (Practice and Procedure manual of PCEA, 1999). It
was also found that there were 21 Ago in Nyeri Presbytery. Further, pilot study
revealed that there were only 19 surviving Church elders in Nyeri Presbytery who
had been evangelized by the missionaries. Nyeri Presbytery's office also indicated
that there were 12,796 members including youth and children, and 18 pastors
recorded in its register. In addition, the study was informed that there were eight
congregations in Riamukurwe, five in Nyamachaki and seven in Wandumbi
parishes with a membership of 4,783 Christians recorded in Churches' registers.
This pre- assessment of the target population and knowing in advance that it was a
specified type of population helped to select an appropriate method of preparing a
sampling frame (Peter, 2010).
A pilot test of the instrument was conducted in Thegenge parish to facilitate pre-
testing of the data collection instruments and its effectiveness in data capture.
Two randomly selected Churches namely Gathuthi and Kagio-ini with
membership of 123 and 98 respectively in Churches' registers were picked. There
were also two elders who were evangelized by missionaries, one pastor and 2 Ago
within the area under pilot survey. The sampling frame thus consisted of 221
61
ordinary Church members of whom, using the table of random numbers, 75
respondents, 2 elders, 1 pastor and 2 Ago were selected. This represented thirty
percent of the accessible population. Using stratified sampling the researcher got
a proportionate sample from each of the aforementioned Churches ensuring a
proportionate number of males and females from each congregation (see table 3.2
below). These parish respondents were not included in the final sample of the
study. The various research instruments were administered to the different
categories of respondents to test the extent to which they would be understood
and elicit the expected responses during the actual study. This was necessary to
ascertain the validity, reliability and objectivity of the instruments. For example,
unclear/ ambiguous questions and those difficult to answer or eliciting unintended
information were detected and were either reworded or deleted. The instruments,
after adjustment, were hence used in the entire data collection exercise.
62
Table 3.2 Sampling Table for Pre-Testing Instrument on Church Members
Congregation Total
Population
Accessible
Population
72
44
Total
Respondents
Male Female
Respondents 30%
from each
congregation
Male Female
Thegenge Parish
Gathuthi 123 51 17 25 42
33Kagio-ini 98 41 14 19
Total 221 92
57
129 31
75
Source: Adapted from Nyeri Presbytery
3.7 Data Collection Procedures
Both primary and secondary data were used ..Primary data was collected through
in-depth interviews and questionnaires. The study engaged four research
assistants (two males and two females) who came from the study area and were
holders of bachelor's degrees. They were first trained on how to collect data
especially in-depth interviews. In each parish, a brief explanation of the study,
stating the objectives, purposes and the significance of the study were given to
the parish administration and respondents. Using the Local Church Committee
(LCC), questionnaires were given to all respondents in one Church at the same
time. On completion, questionnaires were collected immediately to ensure high
completion and return rates. The in-depth interviews were on a one-to-one basis
and follow -ups given where necessary. All the interviews were recorded on
63
audiotapes. Secondary data was derived from varIOUSlibraries: Kenyatta
University, University of Nairobi, Catholic University of Eastern Africa,
Presbyterian University and Hekima College.
3.8 Data Analysis
To achieve objectives one and two, qualitative data was used. This entailed
coding and assigning labels to various categories and themes. This was done
using Kvales (2007) methods of data analysis. He identifies eight modes,
namely; meaning coding, meaning condensation, meaning interpretation,
linguistic analysis, conversation analysis, narrative analysis, discursive analysis
and deconstructive analysis. The study employed both "conversion analysis" (to
examine the minute details of talk- in- interaction, which has become widely
accessible with the advent of a tape recorder) and "meaning interpretation"
(Interpreting the interview texts in a deeper and more critical way). These
methods provided the hermeneutical framework and context to engage in a
rigorous interaction with the data. Inferences were made from particular data
under each theme and conclusions drawn from findings.
To accomplish objective three, quantitative data was analyzed using Statistical
Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). Descriptive statistics of means, frequencies
and percentages were used to describe and present the analyzed data. Descriptive
analysis was utilized to suggest inculturation strategy to be put in place to address
64
a dual-personality problem prompted by iigo beliefs and practices so as to
achieve objective four.
3.9 Data Management and Ethical Consideration
Permission was sought from all relevant authorities involved in the research
Presbytery officials, pastors of parishes under the investigation, and Ago were
given the official letter authorizing the research from Kenyatta University. We
also gave them the informed consent form that the researcher designed for the
research. The form contained the ethical codes, objectives and purpose of the
research.
In addition, due to the sensitive nature of information, respondents' consent was
sought. Their participation was voluntary. In each parish, a brief explanation of
the study, stating the objectives, purposes and significance was given to the
parish administration and respondents. The respondents were requested to
voluntarily spare between 25-35 minutes from their busy schedules to respond to
issues raised in the research instruments. Respondents were assured on
confidentiality of responses and spoke on anonymity. The researcher/assistant
appreciated the cooperation of the respondents.
3.10 Summary
The chapter focused on the research methodology used to achieve the study
objectives. It comes into view that dual to the nature of the present study,
65
descriptive cross-sectional survey design was adopted. Further, the process that
was used to collect data for this study is discussed in the chapter. Both primary
and secondary data was used. Primary data was collected through, observation, in-
depth interviews and self- administered questionnaires. Secondary data was
derived from various libraries. It is also clear that both qualitative and
quantitative data analysis were used. The next Chapter focuses on persistence of
beliefs and practices in iigo among the Gikuyu and the inculturation process.
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
The chapter presents the methodological concepts utilized in this study. It
discusses the research design, site of the study, target population, sampling
techniques and sample size. It also highlights the research instruments and data
collection techniques, as well as data analysis procedures. In addition, the chapter
gives the ways data was management and concludes with ethical considerations.
3.1 Research Design
The study employed a descriptive cross-sectional survey design. The cross-
sectional survey approach was preferred because of its advantages such as being
applied to generalize given variables (beliefs and practices in flgo) , its ready
acceptance of statistical data analysis methods and its economy and efficiency
drawn from its data collecting strategy and its effectiveness in collecting
. descriptive data (Marshall and Rossman, 2007). The cross-sectional design was
the most appropriate for this study since it dealt with different categories of
people; pastors, elders, ordinary Christians (laity) and Ago simultaneously. Data
collection was guided by the objectives of the study.
67
Christianity is integrated with the beliefs and practices in iigo in order to give
Gikilyil PCEA Christians an unbiased, wholistic and integral way of life.
The chapter is divided into three key sections. Section one gives the background
of Gikfiyii beliefs and practices in iigo. It analyses the initiation process and
healing methods of Ago, information that serves as background to a deeper
understanding of the beliefs and practices in iigo. Section two examines the
religio- cultural background of Western missionaries who evangelized Africa.
This shows the origin of the negative attitude of the missionaries towards the
African religio- cultural heritage, which made CSM missionaries dismiss iigo
beliefs and practices as superstition and Ago as charlatans. Such knowledge is
vital in determining the mindset of CSM'S approaches in the evangelization
process to the Gikfiyfi. This section highlights the concept that Church of Scotland
Missionaries' interpretation of the beliefs and practices in iigo among the Gikiiyfi
was that of denigration rather than theological elucidation. It also investigates the
existential needs that prompt Gikiiyti PCEA Christians to continue in the beliefs
and practices in iigo and Church leadership's attitude to the same. The third and
final section explains the theological basis of inculturation, the necessity of
inculturation and finally, inculturation of Christians rituals into the beliefs and
practices in iigo's ideology, hence overcoming dualism problem, leading to
wholistic Christian living.
68
SECTION 1
4.1 Background to Gikiiyii Beliefs and Practices in Ugo
4.1.1 Social -Political Organization of the Gikiiyii
The Glkfiyflare part of the Bantu - speaking, people of North Eastern Equatorial
Africa (Macpherson 1970). Although they are scattered all over Kenya, their
ancestral home comprises of five counties namely, Murang'a, Kiambu, Kirinyaga,
Nyeri and Nyandarua. The Gikfiyii community is patriarchal (Murage, 1995) and
is a basically agriculturist generally keeping livestock such as cows, goats and
sheep. In the pre-colonial period, these provided skins for clothing and acted as a
currency for dowry payment. They also acted as indicators of a person's wealth
(Kenyatta, 1938; Wachege, 1992; Leakey, 1977; Karanja, 1999). Goats in
particular had ritual significance. Their blood, fat, flesh, and even bowel contents
were believed to possess mystical powers. The goat, therefore, was believed to
have protecting prowess that accompanied a Miiglkiiyii from birth to death and
thereafter.
Prior to the commg of Europeans to Kenya, Gikfiyii had no centralized
government in terms of chiefs, kings or "highly centralized hierarchical social or
political organization" (Githieya 1997:21). In place, their identity and social
organization was maintained by two interrelated main principles; the mbari
(house or agnatic kinship) and riika (age-group) (Macpherson (1970). The first
organizing principle of mbari embraces all those individuals who are related by
69
blood. It is based on two pillars, one, the nuclear family tmucii or nyiimba),
referred to as a man and his wife (wives) and their children, and two, the lineage
(mbarT), which comprises of a descent group extending to six or seven
generations, often named after its founder and a jointly owned piece of land. Each
mbari elected from among its able males a miiramati (trustee of lineage land),
who was usually the senior member. His key responsibility was to control the
allocation and the use of the land. He also arbitrated on behalf of his mbari if they
were involved in external disputes with another mbari (Githieya, 1997, Karanja,
1999). As mbari membership increased, members spread out in wider areas, it
divided into several mbari (lineages), each headed by a new miiramati. However,
this division was only possible to the lineage, and the consciousness of the
common origin from one clan was maintained, since clans do not sub-divide.
Besides being the basic social and economic unity, the mbari was also the basic
religious unit. Gikfiyfi family included not only the living but also the departed
especially those who remained in the memory of the living, thus referred as the
"living-dead". To sustain good will, offerings and sacrifices were regularly made
to the living-dead. The family acted as the basic link between the living, the
unborn and the departed. The head of the mbari usually presided over all family
religious ceremonies, by making offerings, sacrifices and prayers. However,
where misfortune or crisis was beyond the expertise of the mbari head, the
services ofAgo were sought (Macpherson, 1970; Kenyatta, 1938).
70
The second principle of the age-set [Riika pl. Mariika] cuts across mbari
(lineages) and clans (mlhirIga) affiliations, thereby linking all Gikuyli people.
Both males and females, regardless of their mbari or mlhlrlga (clans) were
admitted into riika (age-group) after reaching adolescence, through the act of
circumcision (for boys) and clitoridectomy (for girls). This was effected by
aruithia (circumcisers) who played a very significant role that impinged on
mystery. Their duty was vocational and this was identified by Ago. Those
circumcised at the same time were referred to as andu a riika rimwe (one age set)
which carried a powerful obligation of a lifetime bond of brotherhood and
sisterhood towards each other. This transcended clans or mbari. Riika became not
only the most effective vehicle for education, ethnic cohesion and social control
but also provided the framework within which the democratic form of
government was reflected. There existed two councils in the community namely,
njama ya ita (the war council) and kiama kia bururi (the national council)
(Kenyatta, 1938; Lambert, 1954; Githieya, 1997).
The war council comprised of all community warriors and was involved with
affairs related to war, law, peace and tranquility. Before undertaking a war or raid,
the war council had to engage the services of Ago to ascertain whether victory
would be on their side. After initiation, the young men were to serve in war
council as junior warriors under the tutelage of senior age-group members. In
71
such service, they were trained on basic duties of defense, religious, principles of
leadership and community. ethos, which they had to employ later in their
respective careers such as, either ritual elders or Ago. They would later be
promoted to senior ranks as the others progressed to junior elders (Githieya,
1997).
The national council had three grades of elder hood. Membership was based on
age, wisdom and the ability to convey that wisdom. Gikuyii political and religious
authority was vested within the national council. At the lowest were junior elders,
and comprised all those who had retired from active military duties and
consequently recently married. The second grade was that of elderhood. It
consisted all of those who had been promoted from junior eldership and on
training grade. One assumed this grade after his children attained circumcision
(Wa Kangethe, 1981). The third and the highest grade was that of senior elders or
sacrificial council tKiama kia Matiirangiiriiy. This consisted of the oldest age
group who had recently been promoted from the second grade. The main function
of sacrificial council was to lead and preserve the religious traditions of the
community. As such, these elders were supposed to be morally upright and served
as examples to the entire community. Githieya (1997) notes that the Sacrificial
Council in all cases, worked in conjunction with Ago "to enhance the life of the
community in totality". It was therefore, within the mbari and riika systems that
the. knowledge, history, myths, legends, beliefs and tradition of the community
72
were imparted to the young and the old (Wa Kangethe 1981). These ethoses were
necessary for one to be initiated as a Miindii Miigo.
4.1.2 Gikiiyii Religious Beliefs System
The Gikfiyil religious belief system can be grouped into four separate but related
areas. The first is belief in God, the Supreme Being called Ngai (the greatest
divider and provider) who is also referred to as Ngai Mfimbi (God the creator),
Mwathani (the final authority and overlord of the society) and Ngai Baba (God
the father). Further, He is called Miirungu (to suggest the otherness, mystery,
power, and mercy of God all combined), Nyene (the great owner) and Mwene
Nyaga (the owner or possessor of brightness), conceiving Him as the holiest and
purest over and above His creation. The Gikiiyii also talked of God as Githuuri
which according to Wachege (1992) signified the owner of mountains, which
accordingly never die. As such, He is referred to as immortal (Kenyatta, 1938;
Kibicho, 1972; Murage, 1995 and Karanja, 1999). Gikfiyii conceive Ngai as
Divider, Provider, Creator, Almighty, Holy, Supreme, Eternal and Comforter. A
fundamental characteristic of Ngai is that He reveals the secrets of his nature and
will to the Gikfiyii through special inspiration of seers and Ago (Kibicho, 2006).
Such persons are to be in closer contact with Ngai.
Gikfiyfi religion is monolithic right from the very beginning of the community.
Myth has it that when humankind started to populate the earth Ngai (God) took
73
the man Gikiiyii the progenitor of the community to the top of one holy mountain,
Mt. Kenya (Mountain of splendour). He showed Gikfiyii the whole country below
and gave it to him. As such, land has a religious significance to the Gikiiyii.
Land was perceived as a mother who produced their food as well the resting place
for ancestral spirits. Before Giktiyii left, Ngai explained to him how to pray and
sacrifice, to call upon Him whenever the man was in need, by making sacrifices
and raise hands to Kirinyaga (Mount Kenya). That way, Ngai would come to his
assistance (Thiong'o, 1965; Murage, 1995; Kenyatta, 1938). Kibicho (2006:18)
states; "in a way similarly to the ancient Hebrews, the Gikiiyii Iocated the origin
of their faith in God Himself, in His own initiative and not merely in human
projection or invention".
The second area of Gikiiyfi religious belief is the ancestral spirits. According to
Macpherson (1970:7), "the Gikiiyi; world, with its kinship and age group
obligations, was mirrored in an inter-communication work of ancestral Spirits,
with the same structure and outlook as that of the earthly Community". The
Gikfiyii recognizes three types of ancestral spirits. First, is the spirits of the
living- dead comprising of the departed fore-bearers among them departed
parents' spirits as the most important. These are known as the parent spirits
(ngoma cia aciari) to whom living family members made offerings of food and
drinks as a fellowship offering. The second is that of the clan spirits (ngoma cia
mlhlrIga), whose main concern was the welfare of the whole clan. These were
74
consulted on matters involving the clan. Third, is the belief in the spirit
concerning age-group (ngoma cia riika). Their main concern was the well-being
of community as a whole and had to be approached by leaders of the living age-
grade (Kenyatta, 1938;Macpherson, 1970;Wachege, 1992;Karanja, 1999).
Gikiiyfi sacrificed to both Ngai and ancestral spirits. However their approach to
both differed. Kenyatta (1938) distinguishes this form of sacrifices. The phrase
used for sacrifice to God was Gilthathaiya Ngai (to beseech God), while that of
ancestral spirits was Gilthlnjlra na gilitangIra ngoma njohi" (to slaughter a goat
and pour out beer to the ancestral spirits). He saw the latter as "constituting a
"prayer" and the former as "appeasing". The sacrifices were the most sacred
form of worship. Their primary function was to maintain a healthy relationship
between God and people, the departed and the community. Sacrifices were thus
offered to either God or ancestral spirits in order to seek their interventions
against those forces that make life unbearable (Middleton, 1953; Kirika, 1988).
Notably, in all cases, the offended spirit had to be identified by Ago from whom
counsel was sought before one could resort to sacrifice.
The third facet of Gikiiyti religious belief is that of the mystical power of the
universe and the items in the ontological categories. Observably, it is difficult to
know exactly what it is or how it works. This finding is consistent with Mbiti's
(1969) assertion that belief in mystical power is a phenomenon that cannot be
75
explained scientifically. The Gikiiyfibelieve that the earth, the sky, the mountains,
trees, the sun, the moon and the stars have mystical powers, with the mountains
occupying a more unique place than the rest and consequently referred to as
God's special abode. There are four large mountains surrounding Gikfiyfiland,
namely; Kiri-nyaga (Mt Kenya) in the North, Kia- njahi (Kilimambogo) in the
East, Kia-mbiruiru (Ngong hills) in the South, and Kia-nyandarua (Aberdares
ranges) in the West, all reflecting God's power. During rituals and prayers, the
officiating person faced each of these mountains, raising their hands or
ceremonial gourds of milk or beer towards them (Wachege, 1992; Murage, 1995
and Kibicho, 2006). Power derived from the mountains according to Wangechi
(OJ 2010), is used by religious specialist like Ago in their ministry, such as
healing, counteracting misfortunes, bringing good health and fortune or
prosperity.
Gikfiytialso believe in the "power of words", particularly those of parents uttered
in relation to children and Ago's to clients. The "words" of parents are believed to
carry mystical powers that would cause either good fortune or misfortunes and
especially after the parents' death. Consequently, formal curses and blessings
especially from parents are believed to be highly potent. Children, naturally desire
to receive blessings from parents especially before death and would be extra
careful to avoid parental curses. Equally potent were the words of Ago who
worked through medicines and rituals they performed to the afflicted to effect
76
healing (Cagnolo, 1933; Kenyatta, 1938; Kirika 1988). Gikiiyii also believed that
hwnan beings have these mystical powers which can be increased or decreased.
For example, if one was prosperous, his mystical power was increasing and vice
versa. In addition, religious specialists such as Ago and arogi (witches) could
manipulate such mystical powers for either good or bad of the community.
However, while Ago are pro-life and their profession is to reverse the bad effects
of this power, witches were the opposite. It was for this reason that Gikiiyii resort
to consulting Ago whenever faced with unpleasant life situations (Wanjao, OJ,
2010).
A final feature of the Gikiiyti religion is the concept that health or wholeness of
life consisted of a person's harmonious relationship with both God and ancestral
spirits, on the one hand, and with kinsgroup as well as the community on the
other. In response to this belief, the Giktiyi; have various methods of maintaining
and promoting relationships, or dealing with consequences of broken
relationships. Consequently, to a large extent, the main goal of Gikiiyfi religion is
to safeguard wholeness of life by maintaining a harmonius cosmic balance, a
belief deeply rooted in the fact that diseases and misfortunes emanate from
injured cosmic order. Moreover, from their disease-theory, illnesses and
misfortunes are caused by spiritual agents such as annoyed ancestral spirits or
jealous/evil human beings, sorcerers and witches. In case of illness, the suggestive
perspective almost always entailed a herbal mode of treatment. If the desired
77
result failed, the next cause of action was divination; which would explore the
mystical cause to alleviate the situation. The community used both physical and
spiritual remedies to deal with diseases and misfortunes (OJ, Wanjau and
Wangechi, 2010).
78
Figure 4.1: Diagrammatic representation of Gikfiyfi cosmology.
----------
;;; --~ ~---,
////~ Power " <,
// Power -,
,/ ,
,/ ,
/ ,
/ ,
II ~',
I ,
I \
/ ~\
I \
/ ~\
I \
I \
/~ ~\
I . \
I Power II
I
I •.....•
I --. ~\
: Power \
I~ ~l
I I
I I
\~ ~:
\ I
\ Power I
\~ /
I I
\ I\ Power •...... /
\ ~ /
\ I
\~ ~/
\ I
\ The Gikuyu 10 clans - dividing into family group /
\\\.~ II
, ~/
, I
~ ,//1
,/
,/
/."
."
~ ~ ---;///--------------
NGAT
Power
Adapted from Macpherson (1970: 8)
79
The above diagram explains the GikUyilworldview in a more detailed form. In
Glkiiyfi religious outlook, the universe is three-dimensional as follows; first, the
sky, Ngai's dwelling place and a powerful space- a source of mystical powers.
Second, the earth, human's habitation place where they exist in families and age
groups, and finally, the spiritual underworld, the ancestral spirits' abode some of
which are benevolent while others are malevolent and unpredictable to the living.
One important characteristic of this spatial ordering of Gikiiyfi's worldview is that
activities of ancestral spirits and mystical powers often directly encroach on the
affairs of people in the human world. For that same reason, human existence is
perceived as precarious in the effort to tap the resources of good spirits to ward
off the machinations of evil ones.
The community then maintained a good relationship with God, harmony with one
another, the living and the dead and all important knowledge to the same was
passed through generational education system conveyed by story-telling, proverbs
and traditional songs. Further, elders took it upon themselves to educate the young
people during rites of passage. Lack of this balance is believed to bring not just
diseases but also misfortunes. If this happens, Ago are sought to discern the cause
of the misfortune, prescribe the course of action to counteract it and avert its
future recurrence (OJ, Ndogo, 2010) (Macpherson, 1970; Karanja, 1999). To the
Gikiiyii, religion is more than a concern with "total well being" of life, its
80
ultimate goal being to live in the "sacred presence where no destructive forces
dwell" (Okorocha, 1994: 75-76).
Gikiiyti religion, however, hardly draws any distinction between the sacred and
the secular (Kirika 1988). The culture and religion are so inter-twined that it is not
possible to separate them. A good deal of communal activities and other social
institutions are bound up by religion and the spirit-world. Birth, initiation,
marriage, death, planting, harvesting and installation to traditional offices (elder
or Miindii Miigo), all take a religious nature. Observably, a correct perception of
Gikfiyfi religion can be summarized in the words ofIsizoh (1999:2) who notes;
The traditional African people have a very high sense of the
sacred. There is reverence for sacred places, persons and objects.
Religion enfolds the whole of life, and there is no dichotomy
between the secular and the religious, the sacred and the profane,
the visible and the invisible. These distinctions are to them
artificial. A completely secular world does not exist for them.
There is no borderline between this life and afterlife. Life itself is
cyclic, going from birth to death and to rebirth. The emphasis on a
person's enduring happiness is not concentrated on the afterlife but
rather on the totality of his or her well-being in this life and in the
afterlife. For the Africans, man is not just homo religious in the
classical sense. He eats, drinks, sleeps, and works and does
practically every thing religiously.
From the above discussion, several conclusions can be drawn. It is observed that
the GIkilyfi social, political and religious organization form the basis of their
cultural 'heritage, ethnographic history and worldview. Thus, their ethnographic
history and worldview are the foundation stones that precipitate such fundamental
beliefs as the concept of God, ancestors, agnatic kinship, age group, mystical
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powers and wholeness of life. These beliefs are in turn the source of adherence to
iigo. The study also observes that, the GIkiiyii had internalized these beliefs in
their cultural norms and hence taught their children. Children grew up knowing
their place in both the family and the community and matured to take up various
roles thereby creating a repeated cycle of beliefs.
The above information corroborates Horton's theory in regard to African religion
as one of prediction, control and manipulation. Gikiiyfi religion is therefore
characterized by affmning faith, a religion of health and prosperity, which
placates God and ancestral spirits and consequently gains favour from them. In
regard to the findings above, Glkiiyti religion is pragmatic; intended to serve
humans' needs in the world and within a remote distance of an after-life.
In summary, this section has examined the religio-cultural heritage of Gikfiyti
prior to the influence of Christianity. Missionaries introduced a new system of
religion, education and social aspect of life. By so doing, the Gikiiyfi community
was directly interfered with and beliefs in iigo were not only regarded as outdated,
but also evil. The next section, gives an analysis of Gikiiyti beliefs and practices
in iigo.
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4.1.3. Gikiiyii Beliefs and Practices in Ugo
4.1.3.1. Miindii Miigo Identity among the Gikiiyii
To understand iigo in the indigenous Gikfiyfiworldview, respondents were asked
first if they know the professionals in this field. This approach was used because
"naming" is. a powerful tool Giktiyfi employ to describe nature, character and
actions of things, human beings and spiritual beings (Kibicho, 2006). Wanjiru's
(0.1 2010) response to the question: Who is a Miindii Miigo? was; "Miindii Miigo
refers to a wise person, well versed in religious knowledge, myths, beliefs,
traditions and religious practices. The term Mugo comes from the verb mugI
(wise). So, Miindii Miigo is a person who is wise". Ndogo's (0.1 2010) response
to the same question was "Miindii Miigo refers to a person of God, an instrument
of higher powers, which come from Him."
Both answers are a representative of the predominant responses that majority of
the respondents gave, in regards to question. Asked whether they knew the origin
of Gikfiyii beliefs and practices in iigo, Wanjau, King'ori and Wamucii (O.1s
2010) were at first hesitant in explaining the source of iigo. However, probed
further, they all agreed that iigo originated from God and has existed since time
immemorial, and has always been there and Ago have been making its presence
part and parcel of Gikfiyii history. Its beginning is with the origin of the
community. Basing our argument on the above responses, one can conclude that,
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the beliefs and practices III iigo were usually interpreted as the work of the
SupremeBeing.
4.1.3.2. Prerequisite Rituals for one to Qualify for the Office of Ogo
In an attempt to unpack the complexity involved in the process of initiating Ago,
respondents (O.1sMwaniki and Wanjiru, 2010), to the question: What rituals are
necessary for one to qualify for the office of iigo? noted that the process was a
long one, it called into play numerous rituals. According to Turner's (1969)
theory, the rituals involved in the initiation of Ago can be classified under two
categories. First, life cycle or age- linked rituals, which mark the passage from
one stage to another9. Examples are birth, "second birth", circumcision, marriage
and initiation elevating individuals to high office such to "guild" of iigo
profession. Second, crisis rituals aim at rectifying misfortunes in life such as,
illness, childlessness, and drought. The aforementioned rituals are undertaken
usually in response to information provided by Ago who explain why afflictions
have occurred.
Birth
It is important to point out the long process of initiating Ago commenced right
from birth. Wanjau and Wanjiru (O.Is 2010) revealed that there was a belief that
9 The term "rites of passage" has been engaged since the publication of the book with the same
title in 1908 by the French anthropologist Arnold Van Gennep to refer to the aforementioned
rituals.
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if one was born with some abnormal appendages in his hands, such as a sixth
finger it was taken to mean that such person was born "holding a divining
pebble". The exact origins of this belief may have been lost in antiquity for no
respondent could explain its genesis. However, this phenomenon was considered
a pre-destined birth for one to be a Miindii Miigo. Kareri (Miano 2008:61)10
makes some categorical statements about the same:
Since my father was a medicine man, I learned about the
profession since I was very young. My parents would tell me often
that I was born holding the divining pebble in my right hand. That
meant that I was predestined to be a medicine man. The reason
why they told me so is because on the last finger in each of my
hands, there was a sixth finger and according to Giktiyu tradition,
that is a sign of one born to be a medicine man. The sixth fingers
were usually cut off and mine were cut too but if one looks
carefully the scars are still visible
The argument behind such birth associated with Ago is well explained by Turner
(1975:24), that many diviner-doctors are marginal people, who suffer from
"physiological abnormality, psychological aberrancy or social- structural
inferiority or outsiderhood". Similarly, Gikfiyii children born with little defects in
their hands were probably seen as marginal persons in the society and so regarded
as Ago, and had no social class in the society. Thus through this belief, that birth
marked the recognized milestone in the person's journey in life and was designed
to help the child make a transition from childhood all the way to assume the office
of iigo. Consequently, through a birth rite, an unequivocal differentiation was
made between those called in the profession of iigo and those not.
10 Muhoro Kareri was the first African PCEA Moderator.
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"The Second Birth"
Gikfiyii beliefs dictates that between ages 3- 10, depending on a father's ability to
provide the necessary goat, a child "re-enacts its birth", a process known as
giiciarwo keri, (the second birth), or giiciarwo rIngI (to be born again) or
giiciarwo na mbiiri (to be born through a goat). This ritual typically follows an
African social drama that can be broken into three time-frame periods namely
separation, transition and incorporation (Turner, 1967). The period of separation
covered the duration from actual birth to the "second birth" ceremony, marking
the period the child was still regarded as a part of the mother. The transition
period entailed the process and the preparation of the ceremony. The
incorporation stood for the period the child is separated from its mother and is
integrated into the family and the community. During the ceremony, the child is
symbolically placed between the legs of its mother, and is tied to her by a piece of
a goat's intestine, which upon cutting, the child is made to imitate the cry of a
baby. This rite represented the time the child was symbolically "born" into the
family and, ready to be incorporated into the activities and responsibilities of
womanhood or manhood.
Giving the significance of this ritual Wanjiru (0.1 2010) notes that "unless
someone has gone through this 'second birth' he/she cannot participate fully in
the life of the community. If a child is a male, he cannot assist in the burial of his
father, be circumcised, get married, inherit property or take part in any ritual".
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Kingori (0.1 2010) also notes that it was believed that a person who had not
undergone the "second birth" is still in an unclean position, and participating in
any ritual would be an abomination. The "second birth" was a major rite and of
great significance. It gave the child permission and full rights to participate in
family affairs and rituals. Besides, it brought the child to the gate of full
participation in the life of the whole community, thereby preparing one for
circumcision. Notably, no one could be initiated as a Miindii Miigo unless he/she
had undergone the ritual of "the second birth".
Circumcision
For the Gikfiyii, circumcision was one of the rites of passage mandatory for every
person in order to be incorporated into the community, without which one was not
considered a full member. An uncircumcised member was despised and
considered to be still a boy or a girl, who could not assume any office.
Circumcision therefore was a prerequisite for a Miindii Miigo. Kenyatta (1938)
has correctly described the initiation rite as the sine qua non of the whole teaching
of the Gikfiyfi way of life, their history, folklore, religion, morality, social
structure and the individual's role in the community. Wa Kangethe (1988:44)
corroborates this by saying:
The religious and social - physiological nature of rite of initiation
formed the roots of the Glktlyil society. This rite guaranteed the
maintenance and survival of the educational, religious and social
instructions of the Gikfiyfi society. It was through this rite that the
individual was introduced to the core beliefs and values of the
Gikfiyii,
87
Kenyatta (1938) notes that maambura (rituals) denoted divine services that
symbolized the unification of the whole tribal organization. These rituals roughly
followed the process as described by Turner (1969) and Taber (1981) who
observe that typically, circumcision rite is classifiable into four mutually related
categories, namely preparation, seclusion, instruction and integration. Each
category is of symbolic significance to an individual, however, this study only
decodes the real meaning of initiation and its relevance to a Miindii Miigo's
initiation.
The significance of initiation is that it marked a new beginning of incorporating
the initiates into adult life. The initiates were collectively recognized in the new
status of adulthood by a new name (the age-set name). They had new rights and
obligations which allowed them later if they married or got married to progress to
other offices such of religious specialists. Thus circumcision ritual was also a vital
preparation for one to be initiated as a Miindii Miigo.
Marriage
The next rite was marriage. This was inevitable for one to be initiated as a Miindii
Miigo. King'ori (OJ 2010) points out that, the circumcision rite pointed to
marriage as the most basic expression of the desire to maintain life. Without
marriage and subsequent consummation, initiation remained incomplete. That is
88
why the Gikfiyii say, kiirua ni kwara itara (to be initiated into manhood or
womanhood, incorporates the responsibility of building the structure above the
fireplace where wet firewood is spread to dry). The meaning was that on being
initiated, the young men and women should marry and start families. Whatever
else a person had or was, one was nothing without marriage. Failure to get
married under normal circumstances meant that, the person concerned had
rejected the society and vice versa. In other words, without marriage and
procreation, a person was already "dead" in the religious sense. Everybody,
therefore, was expected to get married and bear children. It was the greatest hope
and expectation of the individual and the community.
According to Gikiiyfi, marriage especially to the first wife was a prerequisite for
one to initiated in iigo. If the husband married other wives, the senior wife
retained a certain privileged position with her husband, and her children enjoyed
priority in all major affairs of the family. This legal prominence of the senior
wife is well illustrated by Wangui, wife oi e Miindi; Miigo, Ndogo (0.1 2010) as
follows,
The senior wife was the pillar of the family, the husband only
married co-wives with her permission. In some way, she was
regarded as the head of the domestic affairs. Her house was the
most prominent of all and faced the gateway. If her husband was a
Miindii Miigo, he kept his personal objects such as divining gourd
and magical powders in her house. When the husband carne from a
journey, he normally stopped first at her house and if he brought
something along, he handed it over to her to share it with her co-
wives. In all major ceremonial occasions like initiation of a Miindii
Miigo, she was the one involved.
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In view of the foregoing, marriage was a very serious affair because in the Gikflyil
community everybody was expected to be married and fecundity was highly
valued. Marriage signified fruitfulness and ability to bear children. It was the
social drama in which a person could prove his or her fecundity of keeping life
alive and transmitting it through procreation. For that reason, since iigo is pro-life
it was a condition for one to be married to qualify for the office.
4.1.3.3. Initiation of Ago
In order to understand the rituals and symbolisms involved in Ago's initiation, the
study sought to document the various stages. The process of initiating Ago to the
office was long and vigorous!'. Mwaniki, Wanjiru, and Wamucii (O.1s, 2010)
indicate that it was characterized by nine stages, namely (1) "calling", (2)
preparation and purification, (3) prayer and libation, (4) immersion of the
candidates in the river, (5) sacrifice of a healthy he-goat without blemish and
oathings, (6) communion of Ago, (7) blessing of tools, (8) dedication, and finally
training. Presented below is a 'U' shaped model of the nine stages.
II In the course of the fieldwork conducted from June to December, 2010, it was noted that the
initiation rites of Ago are virtually gone. Nowhere were we able to witness such ceremonies.
Similarly, we did not witness the ritual purification as it was done in the pre-Christian Gikfiyfi
society, it only exists in a modified form, whereby believers in ugo normally have their homes
cleansed. This involves Ago visiting their clients' homes either to sprinkle the blood of slaughtered
animals or the families are cleansed by chickens being moved round them a number of times
while Ago utter words believed to cushion their clients from the effects of uncleanness as a result
of curses or taboos. The possible causes of this scenario are numerous, during the colonial era,
particularly Mau Mau uprising, most public gatherings of whatever nature were banned, except for
Church meetings. Others are, urbanization, modernization, globalization and the influence of
individualism.
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Blessing of tools
Calling
Training
Preparation and purification
Dedication
Prayers and libation
Immersion of the candidates in the river
Communion of Ago
Sacrifice of the he-goat and oathing
Source: Author's own presentation
Fig 4:2 U curve model of stages of initiation of Ago
As presented in the model above, the nine phases followed in the order shown and
'covered a span of ninel2 days. The classification neatly fits into Turner's (1969)
liminal phases. Like Turner's structure, Ago's initiation rituals consist of a pre-
liminal (separation), liminal (transition) and post-liminal phases (reincorporation).
Further he notes that the meaning and significance of rituals are primarily
embedded and transmitted through them. Therefore, one way of reinforcing the
12 It is important to note that number nine among the Gikiiyti is a number of completeness. They
trace .their origin from Gikfiyii and Mfimbi, their progenitors. The two gave birth to nine
daughters, who became the mothers of nine clans. It is from this premise that number nine gained
prominence and became the symbol of fullness. It was associated with rituals and used in solemn
rites with social or psychological implications.
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understanding of Gikiiyii beliefs and practices in iigo is by focusing on both
initiation rites and practice rituals. These rituals contribute to a personality change
and help legitimize Ago's practice. Observably, it is important to note that the
calling, preparation and purification as well as prayer and libation are rituals of
separation. Immersion of the candidates in the river, and the sacrifice of the he-
goat and oathing are rituals of liminality and the last four are rituals of
incorporation:
(i) Ago's "Calling"
The key argument about Ago's "calling" that emerged from respondents was that
among the Gikiiyii there was no fixed method that governs the process.
According to Ndogo and Wamucii (O.ls 2010), there were four ways that Ago
received the "call", believed to be from God; and the confirment had to be
through certain signs:
First, the "call" could come through birth; King'ori and Wangechi (O.ls 2010)
remark that it was believed to be the most powerful (see section 4.3.3 on birth for
more clarification on this belief). The second important "call" was through
heredity. Wamucii (0.1 2010) affirmed that in iigo profession, like a monarchy
system, the first born was number one in line to inherit the "powers" while other
children would consequently follow. As the child grew up, he would be
introduced to the iigo ministry. However active partnership commenced when a
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child matured, that is at the age of 20 and above. At this age, one was perceived to
be a mature and responsible person to carry out duties performed by adults.
Despite a father giving a son iigo lessons, the son was to receive a "special call"
from God in order to be initiated. He has to "begin dreaming" seeing people
coming to him for divination or purifying people as a Mundi; Miigo. Summarizing
this "calling", Routledge and Routledge (1903:251) says: "A father may teach,
but it is God who chooses the medicine-man. He talks to him in the night. It
comes into his head".
Seen in this light, Ndogo (0.1 2010) gives a vivid account of his "call" through
heredity.
I inherited my father's mystical powers when I was thirty-one.
That was ten years after my marriage. I had associated with my
father in his work since I was a small boy and he had taught me
everything concerning iigo. At first, I had no interest in it, but as
time went on, I became hooked and all my interest centered on this
work. I then started dreaming practicing iigo and of things that
came true. When I told my friends about these dreams, they were
all in agreement that God was "calling me" into the profession.
My father consulted other Ago on my behalf, and it was confirmed
that I had the "call". The next course of action was to be initiated
into the profession.
In keeping with the belief that someone has to be "called" by God to be a Miindii
Miigo, it is rare for a one to admit to have been introduced to iigo by another. The
analysis ofNdogo's story leads us to that direction. His call might have been due
to the stimulation of the mind which he was continually exposed to by observing
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his father perform works of healing using herbal medicines, divination and
purification rituals. This may have predisposed him to the profession.
The third way was through apprenticeship under an experienced Miindii Miigo, A
successful Miindii Miigo, who was a specialist in a certain field took one or two
young persons to be his assistants. The assistants were assigned the job of
carrying his bags containing divining gourd and magical powders. As it used to
happen, one of these assistants was so imbued with the influence of the iigo
profession and asked his master to consult other diviners to ascertain that indeed
he was being 'called' to the profession.
A case in point is that of King'ori (0.1 2010) who was an assistant to Miindii
Miigo, Kiere. His "calling" carne in the form of dreams. He continually dreamt
of events that were going to take place, many of which carne true. He then started
sharing his dreams with people who urged him to be initiated as a Miindii Mugo.
Once other Andii Ago were consulted by his master, it was agreed that, indeed,
God was calling him into the iigo profession and consequently he should take the
necessary steps towards initiation.
The iigo profession was not necessarily, always a hereditary one. A person could
become a Miindii Miigo without ever having a relative or ancestors who had the
magical powers. One reason for dreaming about healing events and other episodes
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may be a subconscious working on past training and experiences. This came as a
result of repeated healing ritual episodes that become ingrained in the mind. The
ability to call on past experiences in this way, and reliance of the assistant on this
skill, was possible to be developed in a tradition that does not rely on written
records but on retention of the mind. Hence a person could dream performing
rituals of iigo.
A fourth way was through experiencing afflictions and misfortunes. Wamucii (0.1
2010) notes that if a series of calamities afflicted a person and could not be treated
by herbs; he had to consult a Miindii Miigo. In some cases, Miindii Miigo could
divine that the root cause was that God had chosen the person to be a Miindii
Miigo, and hence he would never prosper or have peace of mind unless he was
initiated into the profession. Such information would however be confirmed
through a different Miindii Miigo, particularly from another locality. In case one
got the same information, then it was certain that God was "calling" him to be a
Miindii Miigo and therefore such a person had to seek the profession, otherwise
his woes would continue.
This "call" may refer, to the neurotic disposition of some diviner-doctors
described by Turner (1975), Sundkler (1961) and MacGaffrey (1983). The
aforementioned scholars are of the opinion that an influential majority of diviner-
doctors seem to show paranoid tendencies in their operations. This study rejects
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this explanation and suggests that some Ago who join the profession through "a
call of afflictions" are people who have suffered, and therefore understand their
clients suffering. This trait enables them to be sensitive to stresses and strains in
social relationships.
From the foregoing, this study observes that it is only the call through birth that
does not require recourse to divination, since it is a life-crisis ritual that finds a
solution in analyzing the cultural structures that give rise to the belief. However,
the other three can be regarded as rituals of affliction effected through the explicit
use of subconscious associations through dreams and are confirmed by divination.
Thereby, giving a Miindii Miigo skills in manipulating social and psychological
states of clients. Nevertheless the base of his operation is rooted into mystical
belief that his call is from God. This makes a Mundie Miigo feel that he is not
primarily operating on his own behalf, but on that of God.
(ii) Preparation and Purification
Wanjau (0.1 2010) observes that after receiving and accepting "the call" the
candidate went through a period of preparation and purification, and progressed
into another steps, which were carefully and closely supervised by an experienced
Miindii Mugo. First the mentor, Miindii Miigo, was to ascertain that the candidate
had undergone all necessary rites of passage such as "second birth", circumcision
and marriage. Further, the candidate had to have virtues such as being
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trustworthy, morally upright, friendly, sober and dedicated to serve and discern
people's needs. Wanjau (ibid) opines that "these were the appealing qualities for
one to be initiated into the office of a Miindii Miigo", He was expected to be a
person of integrity. These virtues suggest that a Miindii Miigo was expected to be
a believer in the social system that governed the community's values, and was
supposed to detect the breach or deviation from such moral prescriptions. Ndogo
(0.1 2010) further notes that the mentor advised the candidate considerably
beforehand on how to go about the initiation ceremony. According to him, the
mentor directed the candidate to gather major essentials for the purification and
initiation rituals.
Plate 1: A Bag containing the five gourds for magical powders
Source: Photograph Taken at Wandumbi by Author, June 2010
KENYATTA UNIVERSiTY LIBRARY
97
Wanjau (0.1 2010) posits that those items include: divining pebbles (in which
stones, seeds, beads, bones, cowries shells and small pieces of metals that would
be used as objects of divination, are contained). It also includes a divining gourd
(mwano) (about fifteen inches high with a thick round base of four inches in
diameter and a narrow neck in its upper five inches) in which divining pebbles are
contained. In addition, there are five small gourds (mbiiiithu) (about ten inches
long and a width of a cucumber fruit) each of these would contain the following
magical powders: Ruthuku, ngondu, iiiimii, thenge and ira (see glossary). These
magical powders were used for the ritual cleansing ceremonies. It should be noted
that initiation ceremony involved the setting apart of the ritual items that would be
used in the practices of iigo. As will be explained later, the aforementioned items
for this ceremony have their symbolic meanings (Turner, 1968).
98
Plate 2: A divining gourd of a Miindii Mtlgo who did not want to be
photographed held by a Research Assistant
Source: Photograph Taken at Nyamachaki by Author, June 2010.
The candidate also acquired honey and sugarcane for the beer that would be
brewed for the rite. Beer had religious connotations and was used in all ritual
ceremonies. It symbolized communality, commensality, and family solidarity
with God and ancestral spirits (Wangechi, 0.1, 2010). A young spOTess male he-
goat13, believed to have no blemish was also required, which symbolizes "purity
13 The common belief about sacrificing is that Ngai asked Gikfiyil and Miimbi the progenitor
parents of GTkuyu always to sacrifice to Him a sportless ram, or he-goat whenever they come to
Ngai with a request. Gikiiyfi being a patriarchal community, this is understandable
99
and holiness" and characterized any offering made to God. Other paraphernalia
included two string baskets, one that would be used to hold the divining gourd
and the other for carrying magical powders. The preparation stage also included
the candidate and his senior wife's household cleansing (in case he was in
polygamous marriage). As already explained, the senior wife was regarded as the
head of domestic affairs and it was in her house that the candidate would be
keeping iigo objects. This action was believed to rid the family any impurities that
might defile the mwano, especially any times the senior wife's family entered the
house. This ritual was intended to reconnect the candidate and his senior wife's
family to God, ancestral spirits of departed Ago and departed parents' spirits
probably broken by human omissions and imperfections. As will be seen later,
several of these symbols used by Ago are linked to values attached to openness,
honesty and truthfulness.
The phase ended with an invitation to the members of iigo profession to grace the
initiation rite the following day and was made formally through word of mouth by
the mentor. The mentor summoned seven Ago to come early and assist in the
ceremony, and together with the candidate raised the number to nine, believed to
be one of completeness. The candidate also invited his/her clan members, friends
and neighbours and further requested his/her friends and relatives to assist in
providing food for the ceremony. The initiation was a public ceremony so as to
give the new Miindii Miigo credibility and authority to practise his/her profession.
-- ~
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The cleansing process was to prepare the candidate for a life of dedication to the
beliefs and practices in iigo and the intense experiences of training that would
deeply be entrenched in his/her mind. The ritual gave testimony to the Gikiiyfi's
belief in the frailty of human beings, thus no person should be initiated into iigo
profession without first going through the ritual purification that absolves and
purifies himlher from his natural state of unworthiness and imperfections. This
aspect transformed himlher to an agent of good moral virtues among the Gikfiyfi.
(iii) Prayer, Invocation and Libation
A third significant ritual according to Ndogo, King'ori and Wamucii (0.1 2010)
was prayer and libation mainly performed on the material day of the initiation.
Following the mentor's instructions, the initiate and his senior wife or husband
drew ceremonial honey beer and filled both a horn and a gourd to the size of a
drinking cup. Raising hands, they went to the courtyard and held the horn and
gourd towards Kirinyaga (Mt. Kenya), and prayed to Mwene-Nyaga (God)
saying:
Ngai baba, we hoti ya maiindii mothe, nindagukungiiira, na
kirathimo, ngiikiihoya ngigiikunguagira ndathimira igongona riri
ria nguniirano naiinjehererie iiru wothe: ndathimira andu, uhiii na
iindathimire wiraini uyu wa iigo. (God my father, almighty and
omnipotent, I beseech you to bless me; bless the initiation
ceremony and protect me from evil; bless my family and make me
prosper in iigo profession).
101
This done, he/she splashed some of the beer from the drinking horn into the air
and uttered this invocation: "Receive this God". Together with his/her
wife/husband, they both faced all the other three "sacred' mountains
(Kilimambogo, Ngong hills and Aberdares ranges) in turn, using the
aforementioned litany and splashed beer as an offering to God invoking him to
bless the ceremony. According to Wangechi (OJ 2010), the Gikiiyfibelieved that
the four sacred mountains (Mt. Kenya, Ngong hills, Kilimambogo arid
Nyandarua) were God's resting place due to their height, which they construed
increased their nearness to Him. They were also revered because of the belief that
God used them whenever He wished to view Gikiiyiiland. Of the four, Mt. Kenya
.was the most important for it was from there that God was believed to have
revealed himself to Gikiiyfiand Mfimbi the progenitors of the Gikfiyfi.
In the event the candidate's parents were deceased, he and his wife would·go to
the centre of the courtyard and offer libation to them. Likewise, libation would be
to the departed and Ago spirits. King'ori (0.1 2010) pointed out that the prayer,
offering and libation ceremonies were acts of making and renewing contact
between God, the ancestral spirits and the candidate, thereby, establishing an
ontological balance. Further, he notes that the spirits of departed parents were
central in the family and were thus appeased to bestow prosperity and blessings to
their son, who was about to be initiated. The libation to the departed spirits of Ago
was embedded in the belief that they can give instructions and advice especially
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in healing. The prayer was a plea to God for health, protection and prosperity in
iigo. The beer offering was a way of paying homage and seeking help from the
Almighty to show favours to the candidate during the initiation rite. These rituals
attest to the Giktiyti belief in the interrelatedness of the universe and that their
actions and activities in the world are fully followed and reckoned by God and
ancestral spirits.
From the foregoing, we can deduce that the prayer, invocation and libation in this
respect are pragmatic with one thing in common: they are a plea of petition geared
towards practical needs that comply with the situation at hand. They aim to seek
protection or removal from all afflictions. These include evil spirits, sorcery and
ill-wishers. This confirms Horton's theory where he takes African religion as one
of manipulation.
(iv) Candidate's Immersion in the River
The fourth ritual as described by Wanjau (0.1, 2010) involved the immersion of
the candidate in a river. The naked candidate, who led a sacrificial he-goat
escorted by his mentor - went into the nearest river with a deep pool in the
locality for a ritual bath. The act of leading the goat signified that the candidate
identified with the sacrificial he-goat. In other words, the candidate "became" the
sacrificial victim. Gikiiyfibelieved that river water had transforming power, with
washing away the former state of the candidate and bringing him/her to the
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threshold of the new state of Ago. The seven assisting Andii Ago followed at a
distance and waited at the top of the hill. At the river bank:,before the candidate
was thrown into the pool, he was instructed to hold the he-goat tightly with his
left hand by passing his left arm around its chest and neck, and to shut his eyes
and not breathe as he plunged into the water. The candidate was also instructed to
grab with his right hand a handful of pebbles when he got to the river bed. These
pebbles formed the nucleus of a collection of divining pebbles that Miindii Mugo
kept in his/her mwano. When the candidate and the he-goat emerged from the
water, together with the mentor, they proceeded to the top of the hill where the
seven assisting Ago were waiting for them. Together, they made a colorful
procession backhome for the next ritual.
The study established that the ritual of immersion of the candidate and emerging
from the river signified the "death" of old self and "resurrection" to a new
personality. The, ritual symbolized purification and alluded to a new life of a
Miindii Miigo that the candidate was entering.
(v) The Sacrifice of the He- Goat and Oath Taking
Wangechi and Wanjau (O.1s,2010) observe that the fifth aspect of the ceremony
involves the sacrifice of a he-goat, that a candidate was immersed with in the
river, besides oath taking. The candidate was told to place his hands on the he-
,goat as the assisting Ago slaughtered it. The action by the candidate symbolized
that the sacrificed he-goat took with it an element of his life, the he-goat had
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assimilated by associating with him in the process of initiation. In Gikiiyfiland, as
Wanjau (OJ 2010) notes, goats were kept for ready sacrifices that would be
offered to God and ancestral spirits as substitutes for their lives, often threatened
by mystical agents. The same is colloborated by Kirika (2002:20),["indirectly and
figuratively speaking, animals in this category share Gikiiyil in-door ..life they
were reared in houses. When they are offered up for sacrifice, Gikfiyii are
indirectly or symbolically offering part of their own life"]. As such, the sacrificed
goat acted as a substitute for the candidate's life, thus demonstrating his/her self-
giving aspect to the profession he was about to enter. The death of the he-goat
signified the death of the candidate's former self.
The blood of the he-goat was collected into a calabash, and reserved for the Ago's
communion. The candidate was then laid on the skin of the slaughtered he-goat
and in that position took the professional oath of office. This study found that no
initiated member of the profession would disclose the information regarding the
oath. Even those who later converted to Christianity refused vehemently to
disclose what actually happened for fear of being attacked by misfortunes or
death. The study notes that such information can only be disclosed under an oath
of secrecy, implying that a person has to be initiated to get access to the
specialized knowledge in regard to ago. The finding suggests that oathing during
Manda Miigo 's initiation is a secretive affair shielded with mystery. Mbiti (1969)
105
argues that some of the knowledge in regard to iigo can be acquired only by the
initiated or probably somebody under an oath of secrecy.
The candidate surrounded by Ago pleaded: "Nindurwo mwiri hanane na Ago!"
("May I be pierced in my body so thatI can resemble diviner- healers!"). Then
the seven ago rubbed the blobs of mud all over the candidate's face and body at
intervals of about 2 inches. Next, the mentor repeated the process with ira
powder, rubbing in between the mud blobs so that the whole body was covered
with mud and ira spots. The smearing of the body with mud and ira powder
symbolized a new birth for the candidate. Finally, the mentor's wife threaded the
cowries' shells on two sinews of the sacrificial he-goat and made two necklaces.
These were put on the necks of the candidate and his senior wife as insignia of
iigo's office and as a symbol of mystical powers vested upon them. The
candidate was hence given his/her clothes to put on, signifying permission to
participate fully in all affairs within the iigo profession.
(vi) The Communion of Andu Ago
A sixth ritual involved the communion of Ago. This was a central ceremony
which shared intricate aspects of Gikiiyii religion (Ndogo OJ 2010). The honey
beer was ceremoniously poured, half full into the new divining gourd. The blood
and a little taatha (stomach contents from the sacrificed goat) were hence added
and mixed well with the honey beer. The mentor, the assisting Ago and all fully
106
qualified Ago present, sat down round the goat skin of the sacrificed he-goat on
stools provided by the candidate's family. The candidate, followed by the mentor
and other Ago, all in turn drunk the concoction from the divining gourd. Once
every Mundu Miigo present had taken it, the divining gourd was handed over to
the mentor who drunk some of the dregs. He/she handed over the divining gourd
to the candidate saying: Wanyua (drink) and the candidate answered: Wanyua
miingii (drink the dregs). These greetings were an indication that the candidate
had been accepted as an initiate into ugo profession. The drinking of this
communion meant the status transformation of a candidate from a lay person to a
Mundu Miigo. This communion ritually bound the candidate to the iigo guild, thus
making him/her one of their own or member.
107
Plate 3: The photograph below showing various tools (a divining gourd,
shells, a divining mirror, a medicine guard, a horn and other magical-
religious objects) of aMundu Miigo
•...
",-
Source: Photograph Taken by Author in Kiawara, December, 2010
(vii) The Blessings and issuing of Work's Tools
The seventh aspect of the ceremony included the blessing and issuing of tools of
trade. According to Wanjau (0.1, 2010), these tools symbolized Miindii Miiga's
authority and blessings from the Ago guild. The study noted that these tools
included: the divining pebbles, divining gourd, the five small gourds for magical
powders and the forked stick of the mutero wood where the new divining gourd
would always be hung. The nine (symbol of completeness) pebbles cut from the
108
he-goat'"; nine pebbles the mentor and the seven assisting Ago had collected for
the initiate were placed on the skin together with the pebbles the candidate had
scooped from the bottom of the river. These pebbles comprised of animal
vertebrae, nuts, shells, stones, pieces of metal and seeds, each with a specific
significance to human needs.
The mentor Miindii Miigo then filled a gourd drinking cup from the gitete (bottle
like gourd). While still standing, he addressed the spirits of the departed Ago
saying:
"you Ago on the ground see that we are initiating this man into the iigo
profession and we are about to give him diving pebbles. We ask you to
bless and accept him into the profession, make all counters that we are
about to give him agree with each other and bond successfully".
Having said this, the mentor poured out some honey beer from the drinking
gourd cup on the four sides and on the middle of the hide-skin, as a libation to the
spirits of departed Ago. Next, the mentor poured out honey beer all over the
counters saying "may you bond well with each other". The divining pebbles were
then put into the divining gourd for the next ritual.
The second sets of tools given to a Miindu Miigo were the divining gourd and five
gourds of magical powders. The new divining gourd was corked with a special
stopper made from a cow tail which would be used in future to clean the new
14 The mentor and the initiate cut nine divining pebbles from the carcass of the sacrificed he-goat-
two, each from hooves of the right foreleg and the right back leg. Two from both ankles of the
right foreleg and the right back leg, one from the tip part of the right horn, another from the hard
part of the light eye and the last from right hand rib.
109
gourd and sometimes in the cleansing ceremomes for making clients "vomit
thahu" (ceremonial uncleanness). The divining gourd was put into one of the new
string bags (kJondo), while the five gourds of magical powder were put in the
other string bag.
The third tool given to the newly installed Miindii Mugo was the Kihanya (forked-
stick) where string bags containing the divining and magical powers gourds were
to be hung. The mentor, and the initiate took the two new string bags (ciondo),
one containing the new divining gourd and the other five small gourds of magical
powders ana hung them ceremonially at the senior wife's house. The Kihanya
was dedicated using the following prayer: "We Ngai rathima kihanya gfkJ
kirihaicagio ciondo cia mwano na mithaiga'' (God bless this forked stick on
which will be hung string bags containing the new divining gourd and the magical
gourds). They then offered honey beer and finger millet grains to the spirits of the
departed Ago saying: "Inyui Ago aria miiri thii riimia kihanya giki' kia mwano na
mithaiga" (Spirits of departed diviner - healers strengthen this forked-stick on
which will hung string bags containing the divining gourd and magical powders).
They poured beer over the base of the forked stick and prayed to God to bless the
new divining gourd and magical powders in the service of the initiate. They
appealed to God to prevent the divining gourd from turning against the initiate's
family.
- _ . __.... ._"1 . If"," A.nv
110
The words used in the blessings of the tools were believed to be extremely potent
and effected the power desired in the divination objects. The invocations thus
served to energize the tools and invite God and the benevolent spirits to bless the
new Mundu Mugo. Hence under the power bestowed on the tools of trade, a
Miindii Miigo would be feeling secure, endowed with authority and confident.
Further, the study noted that the different sacred tools of a Miindii Miigo were
believed to help one gain mystical power from the spirit world. They were also
supposed to prevent illness and calamity in the community. This study confirms
Turner's ritual symbolism theory (1968:197). For example in his analysis of
Ndembu cults of affliction, he found that the tools of diviner-healers "turn
painfully destructive impulses and social tensions and even mental and physical
illnesses into affirmative communal experiences". Symbols (ritual items) in a
religious context reflect social ideals and every item for healing is charged with a
significant act referred to as supernatural values or forms. In the Gikiiyfi context,
Ago's tools of work are ritually energized and utilized in a manner to redress or
eradicate the effects of physical and mystical causes of diseases and misfortunes.
(viii) Mundu Miiga's Dedication
The eighth and most significant ritual was the dedication of a Miindii Miigo. As
Wanjau (0.1,2010) recounts; "this involved the covering of the candidate's head
with specially prepared raw fatty lining from the sacrificed he-goat (ruamboy. The
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protruding parts were cut out to appear like a cap. When this was done, the
mentor dedicated the candidate into the iigo profession and wished him/her
prosperity. As the riiambo began to dry and harden on the candidate's face, the
mentor cut it open starting from the section covering the eyes. This act, to some
extent summed the symbolic meaning of the ritual, the name given to the
initiation rite was; giikuniirwo kwa Miindii Mugo ("the opening or uncovering of a
Miindii Miigo). The words contain the implication of a revelatory process. This
was believed to symbolize the unveiling of his eyes in order to see secrets and
mysterious things connected with the iigo profession. First, a Miindii Miigo was
supposed to keep his/her eyes and ears open to what was happening in the
community so that he/she had a store of working knowledge which he/she would
use in iigo profession. In support of the above, Turner (1969) points out that many
healing rituals refer to conflicts within the community. Thus, Miindii Miigo is
supposed to see those social disharmonies and organize rituals to overcome
tensions and restore some kind of order and harmony in the community,
maintaining an ontological balance.
Second, a Miindii Miigo in symbolic sense was supposed "to bring into open what
was hidden or unknown". This was the theme that pervaded Ago's healing rituals.
The cure was essentially a process of what Gikiiyfi call "making the invisible
known" (kiiragiiria or kiiragiira), albeit in a symbolic way. Thus for example,
when a Miindii Miigo confronted witchcraft, he sought to expose the secret deceit
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and malice, to reveal the identity and the motives of the sorcerer. Thus his/her
roles in a way shaped much the symbolic meaning of the eighth stage of
giikuniirwo kwa Miindii Miigo (the revealing of a Miindii Miigo). From that day
on, the new Miindii Miigo should see things with "the new eyes" arising from the
transformation he/she has undergone.
(ix) The Training
The final aspect of the initiation involved training. Mwaniki (0.1, 2010) noted
that training of the initiated Miindii Miigo was central since it equipped him/her
with necessary skills for the profession. It involved some kind of apprenticeship
that went far beyond the day of initiation. Ndogo (0.1, 2010) adds that the newly
initiated Miindii Miigo was instructed on how to divine using pebbles, to make
and energize magical medicines (mithaiga) from various substances such as
minerals, bones and herbs. These were presumed to have both magical efficacy
and pharmaceutical value. The curriculum also involved the knowledge of the
causes, diagnosis of diseases and misfortunes and their cure. He/she was also
trained on how to combat witchcraft and sorcery. Further, the initiate was
acquainted with the knowledge of ancestral spirits and how to appease them.
Notably, the newly initiated Miindii Miigo worked closely with his/her mentor
until he/she eventually gained experienced that gave him/her independence to
practice on his/her own.
113
From the foregoing, the training and healing practices of Gikfiyfi is part of wider
system of concepts that constitute their cultural worldview. The study deduces
that the source of diseases and misfortunes can be attributed to ancestral spirits,
witchcraft, and sorcery and from normal causes. It was the duty of aMiindii Miigo
to discover the root cause of the problem and counteract them.
4.1.3.4 Ago's Religious Roles in Gikiiyii Indigenous Community
The study also sought to establish and document the religious roles of Ago in the
Gikfiyfi indigenous community. The aim was to find out their duties and mode of
operation and why Ago's roles were believed to symbolize the hope of good
health, protection, and security from evil forces in Gikfiyfi indigenous community.
The study notes that in the Gikfiyti society, there was practically a Miindii Miigo
in almost every village who attended to the needs of the community. Ndogo (OJ,
2010) observes the study that Ago were divine agents of healing and the Gikiiyfi
recognized them as divinely appointed and empowered to undertake that role
within the community. Ago roles were many sided, according to Mwaniki (OJ,
2010), they were herbalists, diviners, ritual healers, charm makers for use in
agriculture, hunting, love, power and businesses, protectors of warriors, finders
of lost property, witch busters and witchcraft eradicators among others.
Wangechi (0.1, 2010) adds that, among the many roles that Ago held are healing
and divination. This finding concurs with the observation by Kibicho (2006: 22)
114
who categorizes Ago's roles as: psychological healing and divination. Turner's
(1967, 1969) study describes these two roles as essentially "crisis rituals", geared
to rectify misfortunes in the life of an individual or community. According to
Turner, they are usually undertaken in response to the information provided by a
diviner-doctor who explains why the affliction has occurred. Therefore, Turner's
ritual symbolism theory was instrumental in understanding, these two Ago's roles.
On one hand, the healing function touched on the health and whatever else in the
social environment was making an individual liable vulnerable to ailment.
Divination, on the other, helped Ago to decide what was right and wrong, to
establish innocence or guilt in a situation of misfortune, and to prescribe well-
known remedies.
(a) Ago's Healing Methods
The study sought to highlight the methods used by Ago in healing. It notes that if
a Miigikiiyti became sick or had any other need that required the attention of a
Miindii Miigo, nobody approached him/her alone. The head of the family, a
brother or wife accompanied by another male relative, always consulted the
Miindii Miigo on behalf of the patient. Wanjau (0.1, 2010) observes that the
indigenous healing, was not only concerned with the act of treating the patient,
but was also keen to investigate the cause of illness. In the investigation, Miindii
Mugoexamined all possible causes of illness among them; curses within the
family circles, calamities emanating from broken taboos and oaths and
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misfortunes culminating from witchcraft and sorcery. Diseases such as small pox,
chicken pox and measles were perceived to arise as a result of mlhilmil (breath)
that is, being passed from one person to another (Ndogo, 0.1, 2010).
In VIew of the foregoing, almost all diseases and misfortunes were usually
ascribed to tensions in the local kin group in the light of social problems and
conflicts, irrespective of how particular symptoms manifested themselves. A
Mlindii Miigo looked at a problem in its total social and psychological context,
unlike the western medicine that situates the diseases between the knowledge of
anatomy and germ theory.
Mwaniki (0.1, 2010) explains that Mundu Miigo's diagnosis of illness was a long
and arduous process. It involved detecting the possible causes of the illness, who
might have inflicted the illness, what appropriate treatment was best, and finally,
what preventative measures should be taken to ensure non-recurrence. This
methodology, therefore, was a form of social analysis, in which hidden conflicts
were to be revealed so that they might be dealt with through established
community systems.
The study further noted that Mundu Miigo in hislher diagnosis, not only referred
to unseen spiritual forces, but also related the patient's condition to a whole series
of disturbances in his/her social field. These concerned the following: was it the
116
spirits of the patient's departed mother or father who were causing the trouble?
Was it some thahu (impurity) which had come upon the family through breaking
community law? Had the illness followed due to a quarrel? Was the trouble
caused by some living person who was an enemy? What were the patient's
expectations and future plans? How had the illness affected these plans and
future relationships? On being questioned about the cause of sickness a person did
not point directly to what was ailing one physically, but instead related all the
circumstances including people, ancestral spirits, places and things surrounding
the origin of one's malaise, all of which were significant forMiindii Miigo.
We can note again that the probing refers to conflict within the family or the
community. Mundii Miigo, in order to pinpoint areas of tension, often sought
unconscious impulses behind anti-social behavior. To discover these, he/she used
intuition as much as wisdom that is in line with one derivative of his name, "a
wise person".
According to Wanjiru (0.1, 2010) the next step involved identifying the cause of
illness from several possible causes. For example, if it emerged that the cause of
the illness was a curse through interfering with land boundary, the culprit was
probed further to disclose the specific details of the dispute. Identification of the
cause of the illness led to the diagnosis of the disease and consequently
appropriate treatment would be applied. The above findings indicate that Miindu
in-~IVATT 1.~tI\lrCC1TV I IElDAAV
117
Miigo in his/she treatment procedure did not just refer to a spiritual agency, he/she
used ideas given by the victim about the conflict to link:disease to a cause in the
world of visible tangible events. Psychologically, the afflicted person left satisfied
that a solution had been found.
Wamucii (0.1, 2010) opines that Mundu Miigo basically applied two types of
treatment, physical and spiritual. In the physical, herbal medicine made from
trees, plants, seeds and roots was the prescription applied depending on the type
ofthe disease. In regard to the spiritual aspect, the patient was asked to provide a
goat or sheep to offer a sacrifice for cleansing, hence restoring the ontological
order injured by his action. Other cases demanded appeasing ancestral spirits
through the ceremonial slaughtering of a goat or libation. In case of a curse, the
animal was slaughtered and the stomach entrails and water drawn, beginning
upstream then sideways and downstream using the sign of the cosmic cross15were
used to cleanse the patient from it's effects. According to Kingori (0.1,2010), the
water, drawn as mentioned signified purity and holiness and had power to cleanse
and nullify the evil power, brought about by the curse. The Miindii Miigo
emptied the stomach entrails and ritual water into a basin made of banana leaves.
He/she then added magical powders to the mixture to give it some kind of
15 The respondents of the study indicated that every ritual of Gikuyu involves praying facing the
four sacred mountains in turn. As time went on the sign of the cross evolved within this religiosity
as a representative of these four sacred mountains. According to Ndogo (0.I,20 10), north facet of
the cross represents Mt. Kenya, while east, south and west facets stand for Kilimambogo, Ngong
hills and Arbedares respectively.
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mystical protection against the influence of evil spirits and curses, then, he/she
requested the person to squat around the basin. He dipped the foot of the
sacrificial animal or a fly - whisk into the mixture in the basin, and placed it on
the lips of the patient saying: "Nindagiitahikia kirumi " (I cause you to vomit out
the curse). When he/she had finished the process of purification, he threw the
foot over his shoulders saying: "nindatee kirumi" (I discard the curse).
Afterwards the walls of client's house were sprinkled with the same mixture, an
action symbolizing that the curse had been removed. Further, Miindii Miigo tied a
fatty meat to a captured life mole, which was returned back to its hole, "with
instructions" to take it to the departed person who had cursed the person. That
way, the Miindii Miigo counteracted the effects of the curse on the culprit's life.
This scenario was attributed to the fact that in Gikiiyii's worldview, to know the
name of the spiritual agency or thing was to have some degree of control over it.
Thus, in the invocation of ancestral spirits, it was essential for Miindii Miigo to
establish their names in order to correctly appease or seek their favour using the
right ritual.
It is worthwhile observing that the Gikiiyfi indigenous healing process did not
know the germ theory as causes for diseases like in Western medicine. Thus,
when a disease was serious enough to threaten life, or persisted beyond normal
expectation, then it called for the service of a Miindii Miigo, for it demanded some
kind of supernatural explanation. Miindi: Miigo in his/her treatment, made the
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invisible appear through sacrifice, and then tamed it through rituals to restore the
ontological balance broken. The ritual symbols (small units of rituals) used,
related to the fundamental Gikiiyfi values and ethics, which are brought into play
in everyday rituals of curing. The study infers that the Giktiyii healing process
was mainly concerned with personal relations and known causes of illness, both
of which a Miindii Miigo could manipulate through the use of his/her healing
paraphernalia.
Thus, in the practice of healing, Miindii Miigo combined herbal medicine
(physical treatment) and sacrificial acts or ritual purification (spiritual treatment)
and in both cases, he/she always uttered a properly framed spell or incarnation to
effect healing mystically. This finding concurs with Mbiti (1969:165) that, "the
medicine-man is in effect both a doctor and a pastor to the sick person." For this,
Miindii Miigo gave much time and personal attention to the patient, which enabled
him/her to penetrate the psyche of the sick person and give the psychosomatic
healing.
Miindu Miigo, according to Wangechi (0.1, 2010), concluded the process of
healing by applying preventative medicine to ensure that the sickness did not
recur. To do this effectively, he/she tackled the root cause of the problem, by
dealing with the media that caused the sickness. In the aforementioned curse for
boundary interference, the culprit was advised to have the boundary restored to its
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original state, otherwise the sickness would strike again. Miindii Miigo counselled
the culprit's family and relatives to consult clan elders for the guilty person to
remorsefully confess the mistake of unjustifiably claiming ownership of the
disputed potion of land. The clan elders would then arrange for the restoration of
the boundary. The business of restoring the boundary back to its rightful position
reconciled the culprit with the departed members of his family, thus, restoring the
broken link between the physical and spiritual world.
In this respect, Miindii Miigo, through healing became a source of hope of good
health, moral virtue, agent of good neighbourliness and security from evil forces.
This is clear from the way Miindii Miigo explores likely causes of illnesses, which
pointed to a broken relationship with a neighbour, a parent, a relative or departed
members of his/her family. Therefore, restoration of good relationship brought
good health or wholesome life in the community.
(b) Divination
Divination was yet another of Ago's main function. The study sought to find out
its meaning, how it was done and what calamities it involved in Gikfiyil
indigenous community. Kingori (0.1, 2010) observes that divination was a way of
knowing the hidden causes of an affliction that affected an individual, the family
or the society after the mundane means of enquiry by a Miindii Miigo failed to
diagnose the cause of sickness. It was used when an initial treatment had failed to
heal the disease or calamity. It also revealed how to deal with illness and
121
misfortunes in order to re-establish the broken link in the community, spiritual
and environmental realms.
When told to describe the philosophy that involved divination, Wanjau (OJ,
2010) noted that in the indigenous Gikfiyil community, there were various types
of calamities such as sudden and violent illness, persistent disease, when
bewitched, sterility or delayed pregnancy, impotence, sudden insanity, death by
lightning, lack of productivity in cattle, recurring poor harvest, bad omen and
epidemics. In addition, divination was also sought to gain more influence (power)
to succeed in businesses and success in raids and wars. Further, to discover which
communal sacrifice would end a drought, before a Mfigikiiyii undertook a
journey, to gain more love from a girl or a wife and whenever there is doubt.
These implied that Ago's scope of competence was wide and touched various
spheres of human life. Having no hospitals and an established judicial system, this
was the best method of diagnosing diseases and restoring order in the community.
Mwaniki (OJ, 2010) notes that when a calamity occurred, the affected family or
relative consulted Miindii Miigo to decipher what was indeed behind the problem.
Ndogo (OJ, 2010) pointed out that in the Gikiiyfi world view, the source was
usually ascribed to tensions in the local kin group, expressed as personal grudges
charged with the mystical power of sorcery and witchcraft, or as a curse from an
aggrieved departed parent or parents, or even a broken taboo. Miindii Miigo tried
to elicit from clients responses which gave him/her clues to current tensions in
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their groups of origin. Divination, therefore, became a form of social analysis, in
the course of which hidden conflicts were revealed so that they could be dealt
with by the traditionally prescribed methods as explained below.
Plate 4: The photograph below, shows the divination house of a Miindii
Miigo
Source: Photograph Taken in Wandumbi by Author, December 2010
In order"to discover" the forces behind the calamity, Miindii Miigo used
divination instruments: mwano na mbiigii (divining gourd and pebbles). The
question on how divination was done provided a platform to investigate the steps
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followed by a Miindii Miigo in the process which to Kingori (OJ, 2010), attributes
to five stages:
Plate 5: A Milndt; Mugo seeks divine intervention in order to decipher
correctly the root causes of her clients' afflictions
Source: A Photograph Taken at Riamukurwe by Author, December 2010
First, Mundie Mugo held the divining gourd in both hands with the top part facing
Kirinyaga (Mt. Kenya), then he turned the divining gourd to Nyandarua
(Aberdares ranges), then Kiambirfdrf (Ngong hills) and last, Kianjahi
(Kilimambogo), each time invoking God to give him/her insights to decipher the
124
afflictions ofhislher clients. Thereafter, he/she invoked the spirits of departed Ago
to give himlher wisdom to interpret correctly clients' needs. These findings
suggest that Gikiiyfi people were aware of a mystical power that pervades the
universe that comes from God and can be tapped through physical objects like the
divining gourd for the wellbeing of an individual and the community. This may
mean that the universe is not static or 'dead', but a dynamic 'living' and powerful.
It is a religious universe and nature in broadest sense of the word is not an empty,
impersonal object, but is filled with religious significance. Leakey (1977)
Kibicho (2006) have supported this information. The two authors observe that
God manifested His presence and power through wonders and mysteries of his
creation such as, the earth, the sky, the mountains, the sun, the moon and the stars.
Second, Miindii Miigo divined by shaking the divining gourd to mix well the
pebbles therein and emptied it so that they formed three heaps on the divining
mat. The three lots were not counted but he/she simply examined the top three or
four pebbles from each heap, individually, in combination, and with reference to
their special meaning to a Miindii Miigo, His/she skill as an individual lay in the
way in which he/she adapted hislher general exegesis of the pebbles to the given
circumstances. For example, a pebble that was cut from the sacrificial he-goat
during his initiation signified conflicts emanating from livestock. As such, the
three heaps cast, made him form a certain opinion on which social relationship
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could have been injured. However, this opinion had to be determined by further
probing and two other rounds of divination.
Plate 6: A Photograph of pebbles used by aManda Mago for divination
Source: Photograph taken by Author in Kiawara, November 2010
Third, Miindii Miigo resorted to psychological probing to get the insight on what
might be the problem. He/she carried out diagnostic in-depth interview in which
actual physical examination played a quite insignificant part in order to relate the
client's condition to a whole series of disturbances in his/she social field. The
study found out that the clients did not know the cause of the illness or
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misfortunes being diagnosed. In this sense, they were ignorant of the situation
and therefore at the mercy of the Miindii Miigo. But in the first place, as revealed
by the initial three heaps of pebbles and the interrogation, Miindii Miigo clearly
knew that he/she was investigating within a social context of a particular kind.
Glkiiyii believed that in their community, there were sorcerers and witches. In
reality, as the Miindii Miigo well knew, there were also rivals who might stand to
benefit if the sick person died.
He/she then probed the relations of those who came on behalf of the sick person
to know if one of them had grudges with the sick. He/she was assisted in this task
by his/her knowledge of the categories of persons who make up the village and
the sick person's kinship. By the time he/she finished his interrogation, he/she had
a complete picture of the current structure of the village, the position occupied by
the sick person and by those who came to consult him/her. However, Mundi;
Miigo had learned through experience the Gikiiyii divinatory procedure to reduce
the social system to a few basic causes, and to juggle with these until he/she
arrived at a decision that agreed with the views of the majority of his clients.
However, it was clients who revealed what they were going through during the
probing session.
Fourth, in line with the aforementioned, Miindii Miigo divined further to
determine the patient's problem using five short sticks, where each designated a
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cause of affliction that the clients believed might be the cause based on his/her
probing. The client was not supposed to disclose to a Miindii Miigo what affliction
each stick represented. The correct stick bearing the client's problem had to be
isolated from others by a Miindii Miigo through divination. He/she was guided to
this stick, however, not by an objective analysis of pebbles, but rather by an
intuition into what was just and fitting in terms both of Gikfiyii moral values and
an ethical code which would be recognized as valid by all the people. Thus, if
he/she divined the cause of affliction as witchcraft or sorcery, it was usually for
him/her to add something about the human hatred, jealousies and misdeeds that
had brought such agents into play. If he/she divined the wrath of ancestral spirits
as the cause, it was typical for him/her to point out to the client's breach of
community taboo or family morality which had attracted the wrath.
Fifth, having known the cause of affliction, the client went back to the bush and
picked again several five short lengths of green sticks. He/she labeled each stick
to represent a different solution of the problem given by the Mundi: Miigo. He/she
divined for a third time and selected a stick that the divining pebbles revealed.
The sticks are the key to the entire system of Gikilyii divination. The short sticks
may be said to stand for the sifting of the true cause of misfortune from falsehood.
And since it was the clients who assign a certain cause to each short stick, Miindii
Miigo was reluctant to admit that his/her divination failed if the problem was not
solved through the prescribed rituals. Consequently, he/she resulted to laying
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blame on his/her clients that they had failed to observe the recommended taboos
or refused to follow to the letter instructions given.
Eventually, through the process of divination, Mimdii Miigo "discovered" the
force behind the calamity, which then paved the way to prevent further trouble. If,
for example, the calamity arose due to bewitchment caused by an aggrieved
neighbour, as a result of stolen property, Miindii Miigo assumed the role of a
doctor, pastor, psychiatrist, lawyer, police person and a mediator between human
beings and the spiritual world (Mbiti 1969: 166 and Schoffeleers 1989: 160).
Wairimu, (OJ, 2010) notes that Miindii Miigo counselled the culprit (the thief), to
seek reconciliation with the owner of the stolen property, for the witchcraft to be
counteracted. According to Ndogo (OJ, 2010), in order to prevent future theft, the
owner of the property, was also advised to have his/her home "treated". This
usually involved Miindii Miigo visiting the home at odd hours of the night, and
going round the homestead sprinkling blood of a slaughtered goat of one color,
burying some magical concoctions mixed with stomach entrails and body parts of
the goat on the ground or within the boundary line. This was believed to cushion
the person from any attack, be it physical or spiritual. Thus, in his/her role as
diviner, he/she imparted reconciliation, good neighbourliness and justice. By so
doing, he/she played a sacrosanct role in Gikiiyfi religiosity.
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Observably, Gikiiyii healing process was concerned with personal relations and
the personal causes of diseases and misfortunes, both of which could be
manipulated through the use of rituals. Thus, since Gikiiyfi did not know of
natural causes of serious diseases, they resorted to divination rather than diagnosis
method of contemporary science. Second, the effectiveness of Glkiiyii healing
was believed to be in efficacy of communication. Messages of factual knowledge
in regard to the illness and remedial measures were passed to patient (in the above
case, the thief) and the complainant (the owner of the property) for the healing
process to take place. The communication attitude of the sick was enhanced by
the use of ritual (divination) which often derived its power from repeated use in a
variety of contexts, and which had an effect on the psychology of an individual.
Even where an allowance is made for conjuring tricks, superstition, manipulation
and hidden means of communication, and other skilled use of laws of nature by a
Miindii Miigo, one is left and confronted with phenomena which cannot be
scientifically explained. Turner (1967) supports these conclusions by observing
that the African healing system is a logic of communication, affecting people's
attitude through symbolic associations.
4.1.3.5 Conclusion
The above discussion has shown clearly that Gikuyu had developed beliefs and
practices in iigo, which was believed to have kept the community healthy and
vibrant prior to the influence of Christianity. These practices were steeped into the
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community's religio- cultural background and served as a seedbed for such
fundamental beliefs Ago as God's agent in healing, wholeness of life, divination,
and purification.
The section also demonstrates that from iigo' s rituals, Gikiiyii religion consists of
both animal sacrifices and placatory gifts such as beer honey. Important
symbolism in Gikiiyti religion has also been noted in the course of the study,
showing that beliefs and practices in iigo are covered within Turner's ritual
symbolism theory. The results show that beliefs and practices in iigo were an
organized process that comprised of a number of stages that open out in consistent
fashion, showing an enormous element of order in their function. All the rituals
discussed in this section systematically follow the pattern propounded by Turner.
In addition, the study demonstrates that the major goal in Gikiiyii religion was that
of a search for protection against diseases and misfortunes and the support of their
God and ancestral spirits. From initiation rituals and iigo practices where the
aforementioned spiritual beings are addressed, it became essential to agree with
Horton (1995) that Gikfiyii religion is indeed one of manipulation. The above
observations also provide sufficient support that beliefs and practices in iigo are
central to Gikfiyfi religious and cultural practices. Resulting from the study are
five Gikfiyfi religious beliefs: God, ancestral spirits, mystical power, power of
words and the conception that health or wholeness consisted of a person's
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harmonious relationship with spiritual, fellow human beings and the environment.
All these form the central basis of Giktiyii religiosity that missionaries never
understood as will be discussed in the following section.
SECTION II
The Church of Scotland Mission: Its Evangelization and
Interpretation of Beliefs and Practices in Ugo
4.2: Religio-Cultural Worldview of the Christian Missionary Organization
Nthamburi (1995) points out that the Christian Missionary Organizations that
worked in Africa came from Spain, Portugal, England, Italy, France and Germany
among others. Their intention was to Christianize, civilize and provide medical
care to Africans. As a result, Turaki (2002) states that a "mixture of Western
Christian Worldview" was what the missionaries transmitted to Africa. Similarly,
Kibicho (2006) argues that the conflict with African cultures occurred precisely
because missionaries came with a different worldview informed by their social-
political, historical, theological, doctrinal, and philosophical factors. In Kalu's
(1979: 17) brief rendering of what most African scholars refer to 'Western
Worldview". He observes:
Reasons for the nineteenth century revival of the
missionary enterprise include scientific discoveries,
voyages of exploration, new and aggressive mercantilist
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economic theories, scientific theories of racism, and
competition for plantation of colonies, as well as
humanitarianism, anti slavery movements, resettlement of
liberated slaves and the desire to convert souls allegedly
headed for perdition.
These then, were some of the factors which determined to a very great extent
missionaries' impression and evaluation of Africans. However, the study's
concern is the religio-cultural ideology of the missionaries occasioned by the era
of Enlightenment. Thus, the mindset that underpinned the scholarship in the
eighteenth century Europe is well articulated by Said (1993: 50): "The belief that
mankind formed a marvelous, almost symphonic whole whose progress and
formations could be studied exclusively as a concerted and secular historical
experience not as an exemplification of the divine."
This worldview is chiefly what undergirded the course of the Enlightenment that
commenced with the works of people like Francis Bacon (1561-1626) and Rene
Descartes (1596-1650). As advocates of the Enlightenment, they proposed the
principles that anchored the scientific method and unleashed the forces that would
undercut the political and cultural dominance of the Church. To them, the West
for a long time, lived under the yoke and darkness of religious beliefs generated in
part by the Reformation, but new age approached as observed by the archpriests
of Enlightenment. This compelled some Westerners to seek for an alternative
hermeneutics to understand the world.
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Therefore, the ground was set for the quest of a scientific way "to know" and "to
explain" the universe from the perspective of "individual self'. With the
breakthroughs in both science and in philosophy, the Age of Reason was
inaugurated in the West. Greene (2003: 74-75) states that "science replaced
religion as the final arbiter of truth" and became the most acceptable way of
understanding the world and manipulating it for human purposes. Consequently,
"Omni competent human reason" became the universal test of all knowledge".
The Enlightenment permanently and radically disrupted the theological
worldview created in the Middle Ages and eschewed by the Reformation. A new
cosmology replaced the hierarchical ordering of reality, and an enterprise
displaced the theological outlook. However, it suffices to note that the
relationship and influence of Enlightenment on Christianity is a complex matter
that goes beyond the scope of this study. Similarly, Newbigin (1986) posits that
the extent to which the Enlightenment has shaped Western Christianity is
ambivalent'". Nevertheless, some theologians demonstrate correctly that
Enlightenment ideologies have influenced Western Christianity. For instance,
McGrath (1996: 165) observes that Western Christianity imbibed the
Enlightenment's deceptive theme of "supremacy of human reason" which
reflected on its views of scripture, spirituality, apologetics and evangelism.
16 The missionaries came from different missionary agencies which were connected with some
Church denominations that had different theological and anthropological views.
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Regarding the influence of the Enlightenment on Western Christian's
understanding of Mission, he observes: -
Evangelism, on the basis of an Enlightenment worldview is about
persuading people of the truth of the Gospel - with that crucial
word 'truth' being understood in a strongly rational manner as
"propositional correctness". Evangelism thus concerns the
proclamation of the cognitive truth of the Gospel with a demand
for its acceptance. (McGrath 1996: 177)
Becker (1932) argues that the extent to which Western Christianity absorbed the
Enlightenment ideologies has remained a subject of massive debates. However, it
is important to recognize that the Enlightenment forced most Western theologians
to make some theological adjustment in order to become relevant to the
intellectual culture that the Enlightenment brought about. Ng'weshemi (2002),
observes that this adjustment had a dual effect on the Western missionary
expedition to Africa.
On the one hand, the intellectual and scientific understanding of life as
demarcated into religious and secular spheres, made missionaries feel that the
future of Christianity was under serious threat by the spread of secularism and
other consequences of Enlightenment. Thus, there was urgency to reach out to
the un-Christian population to Christianize them as a way of checking the
aforementioned threat. On the other hand, the Enlightment mindset made some
135
missionaries'" to view Africans as living in darkness and backwardness and as a
"people who were irrational, ignorant, irreligious, and uncivilized" (Ng'
Weshemi, 2002: 40-41).
The negative attitude toward Africans was also occasioned by Darwin's theory of
evolution. The theory was an expression of faith in progress referred to as the
natural sciences. Not only was humankind progressing but also all nature and
development was part of the structure of the universe. As is the case with social
progress, this is not easy to advance, "but a harsh struggle in which the fittest
survive and in the very act of surviving, contribute to the progress of the entire
species (Ferrel, 1967).
Since progress is an important value in human life, and even for other creation,
Africans, according to 19th Century European missionaries, remained at virtually
the same level of culture without making any progress for thousands of years.
They seemed idle among major races of the world to have halted in the Stone
Age, too comfortable to go any further (Jenkins 2002:40). Like his comrades back
home, Tylor a disciple of Darwin, believed the advanced European culture
represented the most obvious signs of their superiority. Conversely, Africans
were inferior because they did not show tangible evidence of progress. There
17 It is important to note that the attitudes of missionaries in the nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries expressed toward Africans were different. Some of missionaries such as Parrinder,
EvansPritchard and Victor Turner due to their theological anthropology, viewed and treated
Africans in a more humane manner while others construed Africans as lesser-beings.
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were no railways, steamships, factories and not any sign of industry. It followed,
according to Tylor, that Africans were "primitive" (Greene, 20003). By this he
meant that they were at "a rudimentary stage in the supposed process of evolution
of humanity" (Kibicho 2006:2). In regard to the general attitude of missionaries
towards African beliefs and customs, Parrat (1991: 4) states that:-
Western missionaries stressed aspects of discontinuity between
Christianity and African cultures and traditional religion to such an
extent that they excluded the aspects of continuity between
Christianity and African cultures and traditional religion. They
condemned, without proper evaluation, African religious beliefs
and practices and substituted them with Western cultural and
religious practices.
This is an example that in many respects points to the fact that such attitudes were
influenced by the Enlightenment mindset, for in many ways missionaries were the
offspring of their age (Enlightenment era) and a product of the intellectual
worldview. Thus, when the indigenous religious tenets such as divination failed
the scientific and intellectual tests of the West, many missionaries dismissed them
as mere superstitions, claiming that they were incapable of contributing positively
to Christianity (Bujo 1992:43-49). What many Western missionaries failed to
take seriously, to quote Karkkainen (2003:248) was the fact that "the average
African Christian takes the story of Jesus at face value". The kind of critical -
historical questioning that is so common in the West is foreign to African
Christians. African culture is at home with the stories of unusual events such as
divination, miracles, visions, prophecies and healing.
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Greene (2003) argues that Jesus ceased to be acknowledged as the Logos
incarnate or the Divine Son of the Father and became instead the great example of
moral excellence or the simple teacher of common sense religion. The Western
missionaries set off on a mission journey to the sub- Saharan Africa holding
tenaciously unto their intellectual worldview that was deeply shaped by the
Enlightenment. Bosch (1987: 42), laments this state of affairs:
By the time the first European missionaries arrived in Africa,
they. .. were children of the Enlightment and tended to deny the
existence of supernatural forces located in human beings as well as
the reality of spirits in general and the 'living-dead' in particular.
They thought that, with education, these 'superstitions' would
disappear. It took a long time before they understood that, for
Africans, these forces were a reality and had to be accepted as
such.
As a result, Western missionaries worked at suppressing this worldview instead of
equipping the African Christians to address it in accordance with the Biblical
witness. The subjugation of Africa implied erasing most of what Africans held
dear. The missionaries, in their part, sought to create a spiritual and cultural empty
slate upon which they could inscribe a new culture and a new spirituality, thus
discouraging Africans from creating the "African Church". It is in this vein that
Hastings (1979: 119) asserts:
The three combined bodies - missionaries, government and
companies, or gainers of money - do form the same role to look
upon the native with mockery eyes. It sometimes startles us to see
that the three combined bodies are from Europe and along with
them there is a title "Christendom". And to compare or make a
comparison between the master of the title and his servant, it
pushes any African away from believing the master of the title. If
we had power enough to communicate ourselves to Europe we
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would advise them not to call themselves "Christendom" but
"Europeandom".
The influence of Enlightenment ideology on Western missionaries will become
more evident through exploration of CSM missionaries estimation of the beliefs
and practices in iigo. They did not realize the need for spiritual reformation of the
Gikfiyu worldview empowered by the beliefs and practices in iigo.
4.2.1: Missionaries' Attitude towards Gikiiyii Belief System
In the backdrop of asking about the CSM perception about beliefs and practices in
iigo, it was vital to obtain general attitude it had on the Gikiiyfi belief system. The
study revealed that it was at first friendly, but later changed to condemnation.
Muriithi (0.1 2010) notes that CMS missionaries started joining African dances
and even borrowed skin dresses to wear while dancing. Munge (0.1, 2010) adds
that: -
The first missionaries mixed with the Gikfiyu and did not consider
their traditional belief system as sinful and contrary to the word of
God. They ate Gikfiyfi food and drunk the liquid gruel (ficfizii).
They did many other things done by the Gikiiyii, such as; snuffing
tobacco, dances and participated in their rituals.
Munge (0.1, 2010), whose father, Wohoro was in the first class of Tfimiitflmfi
mission hospital that was trained in medicine by the hospital superintendent Dr.
Philip, affirms that his father informed him that missionaries did not object
Gikfiyfi cultural practices such as dances, female circumcision and iigo
However, "Nothing was said of dress or the food the Gikiiyi] ate during those
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early days" he reckons. Wambui (01, 2010) notes that this complacency was short
lived, for CSM developed a negative attitude towards Gikilyfi religious belief
system, denouncing most of the indigenous customs and traditions. Wakiredu
(0.1, 2010) observes that their belief system was viewed as not capable of
teaching some truths and spiritual values of Christian living.
In addition, Mathenge (0.1, 2010) informed the study that: Maiindi: ma iindi'iire
witii monirwo mari ma ngoma (our heritage was equated with Satanism). This
finding is consistent with the observation of Githieya (1997) and Kibicho (2006)
that according to CSM, conversion to Christianity meant dissociation of Gikfiyii
social-religious traditions, customs and rituals. This shows that, CSM
missionaries' dominant attitude was that Gikiiyii belief system had no divine
imprints worth retaining. As Niebuhr (1951:1) has pointed out, the relationship
between Christ and culture has been "an enduring problem" throughout the
history of the Christianity expansion. Notably, this will be evident as we explore
the CSM's evangelization methods. The CSM approach utilized two of
Niebuhr's(1951) models; missiological theory namely Christ above culture and
Christ against culture. According to Christ above culture motif, Christ is not
against any culture or absorbed into it. Instead, he is viewed as coming to perfect
it. Thus the use of vernacular in the evangelization of the Gikiiyii people was
considered good by the CSM, despite the fact that Christ was considered to be
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discontinuous with the culture. Christ against culture implied a negative attitude
to Giktiyfi's belief system.
4.2.2: Denigration of Beliefs and Practices in Ugo in the CSM Missionaries
Evangelization Process
In order to analyze the CSM' negative evaluation of the beliefs and practices in
iigo, the study sought to highlight the evangelism strategies used by CSM and
their effectiveness and weaknesses. These were categorized into the following:
evangelization through mission stations, out schools, Churches, and western
medicine.
i) Evangelism through Mission Stations
Chiuri (0.1, 2010), who was a recruit of the Tfimiitflmfi mission station in the
1930s observed that from the beginning of the mission station, missionaries
separated converts from Gikiiyii traditionalists. According to Jusufu (0.1, 2010)
another recruit, the objective was to have a Christian community composed of
converts who would stand out as separate from their perceived Gikiiyii evil
environment such as beliefs and practices in iigo. Joseph (ibid) added that it is in
this context that missionaries at Tlimfitiimii mission station started a boarding
school for both boys and girls. The Mission subsequently developed a village
inside the mission station comprising of dormitories and other buildings. This
was to educate converts in the Western standards that would contribute to Church
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growth and empower them with knowledge necessary to develop their
community. The boarding schools were referred to as mambere. The word
mambere may be interpreted in many ways. One meaning is genesis or beginning
(Chiuri OJ, 2010), but Jusufu differs and says the word is taken from the
expression 'Babel' in Genesis 11:9. When people tried to build the tower of
Babel to reach heaven, God punished them by making it impossible for them to
understand each others' language. As there was confusion in the Biblical Babel,
so it was in mambere as converts had not lived together before and were not of the
same age- group. Despite the varied interpretation, mambere was the 'first' school
in Glkfiyii land and truly as informants have noted, there was 'confusion' at the
beginning.
These findings are consistent with Githieya's (1997) and Karanja's (1999)
observations that one of the strategies of evangelism used by CSM missionaries
was to create a community of believers in their mission stations known us
mambere and icaai for boys and girls respectively. The aforementioned scholars
report that mambere literary meant "the first" and were actually the initial schools
used for promoting the Gospel and building up Christian converts in Gikiiyiiland.
Gikiiyii parents at the beginning did not see the need to send their children to
mambere. As such, Jusufu (0.1 2010) notes, almost all the young girls and boys
who formed these first groups of mambere were children of the workers in the
_____ 1 ••• _ •• 3 ••• __ ••••••. 11
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mission centre. As Chiuri (0.1 2010) puts it, mambere interfered with the
assigned gender roles in the society. For instance, the GIkiiyilculture dictated
that boys herd cattle, and keep the birds away from millet fields, while girls
catered for homes and gardens. Mission attendance was fiercely resisted because
it interfered with the Gikuyii economic activities.
In order to gain more students, missionaries with the help of African teachers -
evangelists from the Kikuyu mission station, conducted evangelical meetings and
pastoral visits in the villages neighboring Tfimfltiimfimission station thrice a
week (Baragu, 01, 2010). However, this move was also resisted for the children
who joined mambere could no longer provide required labor in the community.
More so, converts were being accused by the unschooled villagers of drinking
water with "human skulls" and eating birds like partridges and other wild animals
such as duiker and gazelle. According to the GIkilyil, these things were taboo to
be consumed only by the Aathi (hunters) family who ate wild animals (Miano,
2008). Joseph (0.1,2010), who attended the mambere school in early 1940, had to
be cleansed on returning home for holidays because attending mambere and
practising the aforementioned "evil" was seen like touching a dead body.
As a result, missionaries resorted to other methods of befriending the Glkilyti.
Wacu (0.1 2010), adds that they started offering little gifts such as sugar, salt,
sweets and money to parents during their evangelistic visits to the villages. The
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missionaries also lured the Gikiiyfi to reciprocate by visiting the mission and also
participate in its activities such as worship and literacy. Moreover, those children
who had been recruited by the first African teachers- evangelists were provided
with clothes, food and other gifts which they took home in order to attract other
parents to send their children to school. These gifts Wacu (0.1,2010) says were
nicknamed mwokoko literally meaning, "coming closer", due to their drawing
power to the mission station.
According to Munge (0.1,2010), besides missionaries impressive connection, wit
and geniality, they continued to crusade for children to join mambere. They
approached the local chiefs to assist them in recruiting school children. Some
chiefs co-operated, hoping that the colonial government would show favour for
their support to the mission. More often, as Wambui (0.1, 2010) notes, when
chiefs were asked to provide boys for instruction, some brought those from the
homes of their enemies. They did this probably as a way of exercising their
authority over their rivals, to annoy them and also to destabilize their (rivals')
families. Such children after gaining education played an important part in the
growth of the church in the future, thus making others realize the importance of
education.
The study notes that initially, there were no prerequisites for entry to mambere
schools. First, the missionaries ensured that mambere school in their
evangelization strategy utilized the method of separating their new converts from
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their "heathen" brothers and sisters. They based this separation on the ground that
to be a Christian meant to break away from one's culture. Thus, the converts
were confined to the mission station and therefore cut off from their relatives and
community. Kareri's memoirs on how he joined Tfimfitflmfi mission reveals this
cultural alienation. He states that:
I recall the morning of 4th of September 1913 vividly as it was the
day I left home determined to go to school, and the way I arrived at
Tfimfitiimfi Mission where I was welcomed by Nyamachaki (Miss
Stevenson)( italics mine). I remember how she glowed with
happiness ... Nyamachaki gave me one shirt with white and black
stripes and one sheet for strapping myself in and a piece of soap ...
When I came to river Iraguma ... I got clean and then dressed in the
shirt and bound myself with the sheet... I left Iraguma like a
'Europeanized' person ... After leaving Iraguma and going back to
the Mission I was given a blanket and allocated a dormitory where
I would be sleeping .... Nyamachaki was a very time conscious
person and as her pupil, I have inherited that practice from her.
Everything she did such as, eating, sleeping, going to school and
even playing was according to set times. She made sure that
everyone went to class (Miano 2008:78).
The testimony of Kareri highlights that at the mambere, which was viewed as the
model of Western Christian literacy, morality, discipline, spiritual formation and
conduct were geared to teach converts the European manners in eating, dressing
and character. Further, the converts were also compelled to avoid the cultural
practices such as dances, songs, polygamy, initiation rites in particular
clitoridectomy, sacrifices, communion with ancestral spirits, magic, taboo and
iigo. This was done with an aim of converting Gikfiyfi to fit in the totality of
missionaries' mindset. It was based on the assumption that Africans once
devalued would be easily manipulated. These findings concur with Githieya's
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(1997) observations and Karanja's (1999) that missionaries' policy of isolating
their mambere converts from the rest of the Gikiiyii was an attempt to create a
community that could not be sanctioned by the traditional norms, so that it could
be colonized easily.
Mambere's curriculum according to Chiuri (OJ, 2010) was designed in Giktiyii
language and included the following subjects; Christian education, Reading,
Writing, Arithmetic and Geography. It was implemented within an atmosphere
that provided for daily church attendance in the morning and before retiring to
bed, Sunday worship, acquiring European manners and clothing, as well as
attending catechumen classes. The missionaries at Tiimiitfimfi favoured the
syllabic method of teaching. It required students to learn syllables until they could
read individual words fluently. Besides reading, converts were also taught how to
count and be efficient in arithmetic. As they progressed in learning, Mathenge
(0.1,210) indicated that the next primer text taught was Karirikania: Kabuku ga
Kuririkania Andu MaunduJ 8_The reminder: A booklet to remind people about
important lessons) drafted by Stevenson in 1910. The teachings were as follows:
"God has given the Kikuyu a good country that lacks neither food nor water or
forests. It's therefore good for the Kikuyu to praise God, for he has been very
generous to them". Missionaries further taught moral lessons by telling pithy
biographical stories about Christ and other characters. The standard reading book
18 Barlow, "Tumutumu Notes", in Kikuyu News 31 (Oct. 1911).
146
was Ng'ano cia Tene Tene l\OT Stories), composed by Barlow and printed in
1909 (with several editions later). It was a collection of morality plays. The story
of Nebuchadnezzar, the proud king who was humbled by God was featured
prominently and, the story of the strong man, Samson, whose weakness was his
pride. These stories were supposed to illustrate a moral lesson. Missionaries
narrated them to encourage their students to reflect on their own lives, to measure
themselves against the characters in the book. As Stevenson (1910:21) explains:
(The stories) can be used as a help to raise their ideals. I
remember the almost amused surprise with which tales of self-
sacrifice used to be received; the other day the story of the Roman
soldier at the gates of Pompeii roused a very different emotion.
They are being helped to realize that a man's greatness is not
always and everywhere measured by the number of wives he
possesses.
The biographies were the means by which missionaries modelled morality, good
conduct, self-sacrifice to their students, thus reducing Christianity to ideological
propaganda that the Gikiiyti coverts were supposed to imbibe without raising
questions. Jusufu (OJ, 2010) further notes that the Gikiiyii converts were also
taught skills of trade such as agriculture, carpentry and masonry or bricklaying.
Tlimfitilmiimission station had to employ the Gikiiyfi converts in construction
work, as house servants and in tilling mission gardens. Girls were taught tailoring
and handicrafts such as; weaving bags and baskets, sewing and knitting, hygiene,
nutrition and childcare. This was geared to make them good wives of male
19 First published as Ng'ano cia Tene Tene (OT stories), then revised and re-titled Mohoro ma
Tene Tene in 1917.
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converts and serve as an example to non- believers. The assumption on the part of
the CSM missionaries was that literate converts educated in western standards
could contribute to church growth and equip the Gikiiyii to participate in the
activities of the society. Wamue (1999: 96) confirms this by observing that
missionaries' intention through western education was not only to develop
Christian communities that were economically self-supporting but also for formal
employment.
According to Munge (OJ, 2010), in their enthusiasm to acquire new knowledge,
most converts adopted wholesomely and without discrimination what their
missionary teachers taught. A major effect of mambere education was that it was
heavily dominated by Western values such that the Gikfiyfi cultural and religious
systems were largely ignored. On returning home, the converts, to the dismay of
their people, utterly disregarded their cultural way of life and imitated the
missionaries thereby perceiving the Gikfiyii way of life as backward and
irreligious. By so doing, the converts started disobeying their parents and elders
whom they perceived as illiterate, naive, outdated and un-christian. These
findings are consistent with Muita's (2002: 33) observation that missionaries'
intention of creating mambere was to disrupt the Gikiiyii communal bond, by
introducing new notion of community based on individual rights and freedom.
According to Muita, missionaries' intention was to help coverts have freedom to
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renounce aspects of traditional worldview which seemed to contradict Christian
teaching.
According to Chiuri (0.1, 2010), converts who graduated from mambere school,
were encouraged to live together in distinctively Christian villages, before being
allowed to rejoin their 'heathen' brothers and sisters. Thus, they (converts)
became separated from their relatives and neighbours. Despite the negative
aspect of this move, Christian communities would not have emerged without such
separation. As Joseph (0.1. 2010) indicates, converts developed a distinctive form
of togetherness, in which all cases among them were settled by their leaders,
failure to which such matters would be taken to the missionaries. Every morning
and evening Christians met in small groups for prayer, and once a week, in the
home of one of them for spiritual encouragement. On Saturdays, leaders
inspected their homes to check on cleanliness and also to remind them about
Sunday worship. These observations also, concur with the observation of Karanja
(1999) that these Christians villages brought with them a new concept of
community in which the head of mbari was no longer the authority figure.
In stark contrast to the above, Jusufu (0.1, 2010) notes that despite missionaries'
efforts to convert Africans, their worldview continued to be shaped and informed
by Gikfiyii culture. To the Gikfiyii missionaries were similar to Ago in matters of
healing. They set up hospitals and dispensaries in which they treated the sick.
149
Nevertheless, though the power to heal physical diseases surpassed that of Ago,
the early missionaries could not radically replace them in the Gikfiyii worldview.
Missionaries' mode of treatment did not address itself to illness and misfortunes
attributed to curses, sorcery, witchcraft and ancestral spirits. It also lacked the
spiritual aspect and did not deal with the question of diseases counteracting to
avoid future recurrence. As such, many converts continued to secretly consult
Ago during crisis thereby strengthening beliefs and practices in ugo, which
continued despite CSM evangelism through mambere.
This leads the study to infer that the Gikfiyii worldview continues to wield great
fear and control in the lives of many Gikiiyfi Christians. This is clearly observed
by Bottignole (1984: 45) that many Gikfiyii Christians feel more secure in beliefs
and practices in ugo. There is undeniable truth in this remark, but it is essential to
realize as we have indicated in Horton's theory that the problem lies in the ways
African religion and Christianity envision the functions of each faith. As we saw,
African religion is both functionalistic and utilitarianistic, thereby addressing
African's existential needs while Christianity deals with communion with God
and etemallife. This difference therefore, questions the sufficiency of Christianity
to deliver and secure Gikiiyii Christians from the fear of witchcraft, curses, taboo
and ancestral spirits. This will become evident in the next section.
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On the other hand, evangelization through mission stations had some amiable
benefits. Translating teaching material into Gikiiyti Ianguagewas helpful, not only
in assisting the converts to read and write but also creatively serving their
pastoral, political and cultural needs. Before the translation, converts' knowledge
of the Bible was mainly derived from missionaries, who imparted it selectively.
Bible translation into Gikiiyii language, for example, later created a sense of pride
among the early Africans for it affirmed that God also "spoke" in their language.
Further, the new converts had full access to God's word without intermediaries
which contributed to the growth and development of the Church. However, this
development did not facilitate the process of Africanizing the Church since it was
done in total disregard, of Gikfiyil culture.
The isolationist strategy was a great impediment to the process of indigenization,
since Christianity was not interpreted from the perspective of the religio-cultural
context and historical experiences of the Gikiiyu. Kiaziku confirms this by
observing that:-
Inculturation does not mean living in a ghetto, being closed
in or marginalized, it means rather, a participation,
dialogue, pluralism, and constant openness to the future.
Animated by the Holy Spirit, the Church, universal and
particular, grows in the understanding and putting into
action of the Gospel of Christ in the world; thus, growing in
faith and charity, and in continued purification and
conversion(Kiaziku 2009:75)
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The isolationist strategy was an obstacle to inculturation, instead of promoting it,
the method became a hindrance. Consequently, universality remained abstract,
with its uniformity becoming the exclusive strategy for ensuring that the converts
were not contaminated by 'heathen' brothers and sisters. Thus, isolationist
strategy contributed to Christianity devoid of cultural garb. As will be noted, the
missionaries used a similar approach in their evangelization in the out- schools.
(ii) Evangelization through the Out-Schools
Anderson (1974:80) states that, "Education is so much a part of Christianity in
East Africa that it is difficult to believe that there was ever any Christianity
without it". In Tfimfitfimfi,Christianity was a literacy movement right from the
beginning. The converts were referred to as called athomi (Singular MUthomi)
which, according to Kibicho (2006) is translated "literates or sophisticates". As
Karanja (1999:42) explains "the word is formed from the infinitive gfithoma (to
read) which is a corrupted transliteration of the Swahili infinitive verb" kusoma"
(to read), and early mission converts were called athomi due to their ability to
read. The Giktiyil word for education is gIthomo, which is also used for a Church
service. As such, a person going to either school or church would say "I am
going to githomo, Kibicho (ibid:76) notes that, acceptance of the new religion
was described as gfithoma "to be a literate" or "to be a Christian" which are
synonymous to the Gikiiyii".
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Mathenge (0. I, 2010) notes, as time progressed, many youth from far and wide
started flocking to mambere school, until it was considered prudent to open day
schools in the villages as an extension of the main mambere at the Tfimiitfimti
mission. In addition, Christians who graduated from it requested missionaries to
be allowed to start schools in their "new villages", known as "out - schools". As
Wacu (OJ, 2010) observes, missionaries discovered that converts were won, not
so much by the preaching in the villages, rather by the out - schools. A pattern
was thus developed on how to start the out - schools as follows. as Jusufu (OJ,
2010) posits; first, the chief s consent was to be sought. Second, students, teacher-
evangelists and missionaries went round creating awareness to the community or
village. However, students would be withdrawn when their parents realized the
out - school was aimed at condemning the cherished Gikilyfi culture. And third,
parents discovered the social-economic benefits of education, thereby creating a
greater demand for literacy. Students enrolled in big numbers while people in
villages beyond demanded for more schools.
Chiuri (OJ, 2010) adds that at first, these out-schools were huts made of wattle
poles, mud and grass roofs, with beaten earth floors used during the week as
school and on Sundays as the churches. However, according to the pattern above,
Mathenge (OJ, 2010) provides a valuable insight that the spread of schools was
intimately linked with evangelism and preaching. These schools became centers
of evangelization. Chiuri (OJ, 2010), observes that the out - schools' curriculum
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was modeled on the mambere mission school. Prior to the start of the lessons, the
usual morning prayers were conducted by the African teacher - evangelists in
charge of schools. Wambugu (0.1, 2010), notes: "the service marked the key-note
of the day. Everyone went about his/her work thereafter with a quiet reverence
that made one feel that the little mud and wattle school was truly the house of
God". Muriithi (0.1, 2010) opines, "the schools were traps used by the
missionaries to convert the Gikiiyii to Christianity". Blakeslee collaborates this by
noting:-
In that primitive school [the out- school] the way that leads to the
village of God, the truth that makes wise unto salvation, would be
made clear to all those who would come to hear and then go their
ways through the African world (Blakeslee 1956: 77)
It is obvious from the above that the out- schools were indeed used as
springboards to evangelism. The carefully crafted programs were meant to
impress athomi (readers) to renounce their former life and embrace Christianity,
thus disinheriting their cultural outlook and clothing them with the western
worldview.
Wacu (0.1 2010) notes that in the quest for education (which also served as a
major criterion for formal employment), Giktiyii children flocked to schools. Due
to shortage of teachers and other facilities necessary for the successful running of
the schools, it was necessary to give preference to children whose parents were
either already converted or willing to convert. This method was influential in
-- --- _ .•- •• --_ •. ~ • .I
154
encouraging the unconverted parents to choose Christianity for the sake of their
children's education. Kibicho (2006: 94) further observes that: "education was the
primary motivation which brought the African to missionary Christianity even
before European occupation was well established."
Mathenge (0.1, 2010) points out that in the beginning, the CSM depended on the
services rendered by Gikiiyii teachers who had received their elementary
education for a few years in Tumtittimti mission. The Tfimfitiimfi mission
graduates were the ones who, in cooperation with the missionaries, started and
maintained the out- schools, where most Gikiiyii converts were won. Prior to
being recruited, teachers were given special training to ensure that they
understood the CSM's approach of evangelism through formal education. This
training was done in the afternoon while in the morning they taught in the out -
schools. This is clearly observed by Kareri (in Miano, 2008):
I went ahead well with my education and by the end of 1914, I
became a teacher/pupil. As I have said above that one went to
teach in the morning and then came back to be taught in the
afternoon, so it was with me. I went on well such that by 1918 I
signed for apprenticeship; that was to make a covenant with the
mission, with the government as a witness, that would stay for
three years as a pupil/teacher and all that time I was to be under the
authority ofthe mission, day and night (Miano 2008: 203-204).
Missionaries visited the village schools regularly for inspection to ensure that the
teachers adhered to the approved curriculum and performed their duties with
devotion (Wakirendu 0.1, 2010). These local teachers had a dual role of teaching
155
and propagating the Gospel. Through out-schools, missionaries' intention was to
eradicate "heathenism" and convert many into Christianity, besides gaining
employable skills.
According to Baragu ( OJ, 2010), the implication of all these was that the youths
who availed themselves to the opportunity of getting missionary education, were
able to possess material rewards given by Europeans, thereby placing them higher
than other members of the community. As a result, most of them accepted the
contemporary scientific worldview advocated by the missionaries that rendered
traditional beliefs and practices outdated. As time went on, some of the early
Christians, especially those who were generally young, were appointed as
teachers and lay evangelists, in order to undermine the role of the Miiramati
(trustee) and the traditional elders. This was a deliberate move to disrupt Gikilyfi
leadership system. It also presupposed a different understanding of the family and
community (Githieya, 1997).
Against this background, it was among the athomi that welfare organizations
found their supporters. The first was Young Kikuyu Association (YKA), formed
in 1921 under the leadership of Harry Thuku, a muthomi from Kikuyu mission.
Its influence spread even to athomi of Tfimfitfimfl mission in Kiambu. The
primary purpose of the YKA was to highlight Africans grievances against
156
colonial forced labor, land policies, denigration of Giktiyi; customs and African
education. YKA was later changed to East African Association [EAA]) in order
to broaden the base and bring other communities on board. In a very short time,
EAA's activities, which were viewed by the missionaries and the colonial
government as subversive, led to political agitation everywhere and succeeded in
disorientating colonial and missionaries' leadership. Not willing to allow a
welfare with a national outlook, Thuku was arrested in 1922 and deported to the
Kisimayu island. EAA was again renamed Kikuyu Central Association and
became the mouthpiece of the Gikiiyii with Jomo Kenyatta as its secretary general
in 1928. In 1929, the KCA ran into serious conflict with missionaries over
clitoridectomy, which was the main reason why many athomi broke up with CSM
and other mission societies, built their own school system and founded their own
independent churches in Nyeri, Murang'a and Kiambu areas (Githieya, 1997; De
long, 2000; Kibicho, 2006).
It follows from above, that most of the leaders of these welfare organization were
athomi. Another important point to note which heightened the estrangement
between the athomi and the CSM was the fact that the welfare members
emphasized that conversion to Christianity did not make one cease to be a
MugIkuyu. Consequently, those who broke away from missionary Christianity
continued in iigo beliefs among other cultural practices in their Churches and
157
schools (Chiuri OJ, 2010). This view is well expressed by Kibicho (2006) that in
Gikfiyii culture, education, religion, and politics were intergrated.
Nevertheless, as Wacu (0. I, 2010) points out, significant success of the out-
schools came as a result of the World War II (1939 - 1945)20. Young men,
especially those who were not in school were being recruited to join King,s
African Rifles. While there might have been genuine cases of athomi, in need of
schooling, the vast majority of the young joined in order to escape conscription
into carrier corps. Those who joined the war, however, interacted with people
from other parts of the world, and that way discovered the value of education.
Upon return from war, they became village advocates of the value of education.
By 1945, the thirst for education had reached its climax and the village elders
were now taking the initiative to appeal to missionaries to establish out-schools in
their villages. Although the missionaries in principle agreed to set up more
schools in many villages, they were no longer able to maintain strict control on
how students behaved when out of the school's environment. Consequently,
beliefs and practices in iigo, continued unabated among students in out-schools.
20 The actual dates indicated in this work were not given by informants. They approximated the
dates when the mentioned events took place. The actual dates were got from the secondary
sources.
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Despite the condemnation and suppression of KCA 21, it was consolidating
Gikiiyil resistance through oathing. When KCA leaders were released from prison
after the Second World War, they became active under a different name, Kenya
African Union (KAU) as a political organization and Jomo Kenyatta as its
president. KAU continued to champion for African rights until 1950, when it
became more militant and resorted to violence and armed resistance. The KCA
oath of allegiance was adapted to become the Mau Mau oath of initiation and
those who refused to take it were maimed or killed (Kibicho, 2006)
This culminated in the anti-colonial uprising known by the name Mau Mau revolt
in 1952, when it was realized that independence could not be achieved through
constitutional means. As a result, the phenomenal growth of out-schools was
halted when the Mau Mau uprising broke out and many out-school students joined
the movement. Consequently, KAU was banned the same year, a state of
emergency declared and KAU's leaders detained. Those who escaped arrest ran to
the forests where resistance units were formed on the slopes of Mount Kenya and
Aberdares ranges. The Mau Mau revolt continued until October 1956, when field
Marshal Dedan Kimathi was captured. However, the state of emergency was
officially lifted in January 1960 (De Jong, 2000).
21 In the thirties, the KCA gained more support among the Gikiiyii of Central and Rift valley
region. A strong bond was formed among its members by having them to swear an oath in the
traditional manner. However, during the Second World War, the KCA was proscribed as
subversive, leaders were detained and its activities in Kenya went underground. Fortunately, the
association had sent its secretary general, Jomo Kenyatta to England thereby escaping detention
and continued championing for the KCA until his return to Kenya in 1946.
159
Notably, as Joseph (OJ, 2010) observes, athomi who joined the Mau Mau
movement continued with the beliefs and practices in i1go in the forest. Mathenge
(OJ, 2010) confirms this by stating that ago used to give guidance where to raid
and if attacks would be successful. Barnett and Njama (1968: 108) agree that i1go
played a pivotal role during the Mau Mau movement especially in healing and
military tactics. Further, because of the strong bond formed through the oath to
the Mau Mau group, chiefs of Gikiiyfiland advised the colonial government that
such bonds could only be broken by the ritual pullification by Ago. Interestingly,
though the colonial government was against beliefs and practices in i1go, it
contracted this services to a large scale to cleanse the oath partakers using the
format illustrated in section 4.2.4. On the contrary, missionaries rejected the
services of Ago and organized public rallies where cleansed adherents were
cleansed through prayer and confession.
It did not matter whether rituals of purification services were offered by ago or
missionaries; nevertheless, they helped in giving currency to the beliefs and
practices in i1go, which as far as athomi were concerned, ritual cleansing was the
preserve of Ago. As such, in the eyes of the converts, missionaries, by the act of
ritual cleansing, were equated to Ago. The Mau Mau movement therefore acted as
a catalyst to the growth and expansion of i1go ideologies among converts who
joined it, and those who could not be reached by mission hospitals because of
160
insecurity created by the war (Chiuri OJ, 2010). All the same, missronanes
continued to manage the out- schools until 1964, when the responsibility of
running them was taken over by the Kenya government. Therefore, Churches
were entrusted with the role of sponsorship and thus supervise Religion Education
in Schools (Nthamburi 1982:115).
Ndanyu (0.1 2010) states that, despite the condemnation and suppression of
Gikiiyfi culture by CSM missionaries, youths were attracted to out-schools by the
social and economic benefits that education offered. That is why the young
people did not abondon mambere, but on finishing, went on establishing more out
- schools so that their children could reap the enviable benefits of education and
thus, secure a better future. Mathenge (0.1 2010) observes that education then
was viewed as the vehicle in which formal employment was guaranteed not only
during the colonial period, but also in the latter years.
In conclusion, out-schools were tools that CSM used to evangelize the Gikuyu.
The effectiveness of this method was that it was not limited to the converts, as
was the case with the mambere, but, it addressed all the students in the schools as
well as their parents. Evangelization through out-schools also helped the
missionaries and teacher-evangelists to check the character formation of the
students to ensure that their behaviour conformed to Biblical teachings. The
PCEA has noted the uselfulness of evangelization through out-schools and has
161
continued to evangelize students through the Christian Education Department
today in her sponsored schools (Muita, 2002: 93).
The major weakness of evangelizing through out-schools was the proselytizing of
students against their religio-cultural heritage in patronage of Western lifestyle.
This evolved out of missionaries' attempt to preserve the purity of athomi
(literates) against the encroachments of the larger Gikfiyii community. This was
done through impressing athomi neither to mix with the local people nor
participate in their religio-cultural ceremonies. This teaching hindered the growth
of a strong Gikfiyiichurch with African trappings.
(iii) Evangelization through Churches
As noted above, churches were established as places of worship on Sunday and
schools during the week. Teachers performed an extra role of catechists.
Eventually as more youth joined the literacy movement, the schools expanded and
required additional facilities such as classrooms, teachers' houses and playing
fields. Consequently, churches developed as a separate entity but continued to
serve the schools and the village community in which they were situated.
The CSM advised missionaries to, in their evangelization through churches, to
teach the Gikiiyii the rudiments of Christian doctrines which were required for
baptism (Muita 2003: 108). The doctrines outlined the following: that every
162
person was born with an immortal soul, which was affected by an original sin.
The soul had been redeemed by Jesus Christ; and that baptism was necessary for
entrance into heaven; that such knowledge would be of immerse help when one is
called upon to administer baptism of a dying person (Miano, 2003). This
presupposition meant that no genuine dialogue could take place between
Christianity and Gikliyti culture.
Administratively, Tiimfitiimfiwas supervised by the head of mission station under
the direction of the Superintendant of the mission at Kikuyu who was supervised
by the foreign committee of the Church of Scotland. The Superintendant's work
entailed that the stations adhered to the administrative structure of the mother
Church- the Church of Scotland. He ensured that the heads of Mission stations
were submitting periodical progress reports and financial statements to the foreign
mission office in Scotland on grants received. This structure presumed that
Gikfiyiitraditionally had no religious structure to act as a point of reference.
Tiimfitiimii mISSIOnstation was growing m its pastoral work and many
congregations were opened up in surrounding areas such; Nyeri, Klrinyaga and
lower Milrang'a. Miano (2008) notes that this astronomical growth was attributed
to the first converts and missionaries' pleading with the Giktiyii to believe in the
word of God. In 1913, people began joining the Church through baptism. Miano
(2008:I08) gives four main reasons that triggered this movement. First, there was
163
conflict in the area of the relationship between individuals and the community
which was caused by an individual who failed to observe a particular custom or
broke given laws of the community: such a person risked bringing shame and
possible disaster to the family, clan or community. The community imposed
tough sanctions on such an offender. The mission provided a safe haven for such
an individual. Second, some converts were attracted to the mission by the desire
to learn "the magic" of reading and writing. Third, the colonial rule greatly
influenced the Gikiiyii reaction to Christianity.
After Mathira region was "pacified" by a force of British soldiers under Colonial
R. Meinertzhagen in 1906, the chiefs and headmen were appointed to assist the
colonial masters in administration. Their main duties included maintaince of law
and order, recruitment of communal labour and settling minor disputes besides
collection of hut tax. In order to raise this tax, individuals went to the mission for
employment and subsequently many of them became converts. Finally, medical
treatment also drew many to the mission. When patients were in the queue
waiting to be treated, missionaries urged the people to consider joining the
Church and enrolling their children in schools (Githieya, 1997,Kibicho, 2006).
As the number of converts attending Church increased, the need for greater
spiritual shepherding increased. By 1915, a system of government on Presbyterian
lines was set up, in the meantime through a document called Church Polity. It
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was prepared for the guidance of the informal church committees that were to be
set up in the upcoming congregations. The regulations dealt with catechumens'
instructions, Holy Communion, Christian marriage, polygamy, divination,
drunkenness, sexual offences, circumcision, confession of offences and the
restoration of disciplined persons back to fellowship. It also contained some
guidance on how to conduct worship. The document borrowed heavily from the
Practice and Procedure Manual of the Church of Scotland. In the same year, Mr.
Barlow translated the Giktiyti hymn book, Nyimbo cia Kiiinira Ngai from the
Consecration and Faith hymn book of Church of Scotland (Muita, 2003: 135;
Macpherson, 1970: 35). From the foregoing, the regulations document and hymn
book were geared to repudiate or disregard Gikfiyii culture and superimpose
Scottish notions into the converts.
Despite the development, Africans were needed to take up leadership roles and
responsibilities alongside missionaries in the growing church. While missionaries
occasionally visited these congregations for sacramental purposes, the pastoral
oversight of the new churches was in the hands of teacher- evangelists who had
only received a few years of elementary schooling. As a result, their knowledge
was limited to reciting catechism and reading the Gospel. Consequenly, there was
an urgent need to train and equip Gikiiyii Christians to ordained ministry. The
shortage of ordained ministers was mainly due to the high intellectual and moral
standards set by the missionaries, and the Church of Scotland's reluctance to
165
increase its grants to the CSM for training (Muita, 2003: 88). This mainly was due
to the derogatory and prejudicial attitude the West had on Africans. The
prevailing mindset was that Africans had no religion and moral system of their
own and the closest they came to the faith was animism. Such a belief had
presupposed that missionaries needed more time with the converts to deepen their
spiritual life, as such, the yardstick of spirituality was the missionaries.
Against this background, an informal pastoral committee formed at Tfimfitfimii in
1915 using the guidance of Church laws, identified some GIkilyil persons as
potential leaders of the church. The first important activity of the Church in 1916
was to ordain several of these persons as elders of Tfimtitiimti mission station so
that they would assume leadership roles alongside the missionaries. In 1916 a
request was sent to the Church of Scotland for permission to set up an overseas
presbytery and Kirk (Scottish word for parish) sessions in East Africa. However,
the First World War delayed this setting until 1920. James Ogilvie a former
moderator of the Church of Scotland was sent on a mission to Kenya to oversee
how the new church was doing. Besides visiting and checking the progress of the
mission, he had three other tasks to perform; ordination of elders of St Andrews,
Kikuyu and Tiimfitiimii missions, creation of the new Kirk sessions and setting up
an oversees Presbytery of the Church of Scotland (Macpherson, 1970:63).
166
Ogilvie arrived in early September 1920 and on the is" of the same month,
ordained Ruffell and E. Stanley Jones, both mission staff, and McClelland Wilson
a local settler from Scotland into eldership. The first Kikuyu Kirk session was
convened that day in the afternoon. On 1ih September 1920, first Presbytery of
British East Africa was formed comprising of St. Andrews' Kirk session
(inaugurated for the whites serving in the colony in 1919) and a new Kikuyu Kirk
Session under the auspices of Ogilvie. The first Presbytery was given the mandate
to become the final court of Appeal of the Africans. The new Presbytery gave
authority for the ordination of Africans elders both at Kikuyu and Tfimfitiimii
missions (Miano, 2008).
On 19th September Ogilvie ordained twenty seven African elders at Kikuyu to be
added to the roll of the three white elders. On 26th September, he further ordained,
twenty five Africans to the Presbyterian eldership at Tfimfitiimfi. On the same day,
Ogilvie inaugurated the new Tfimfitiimfi Kirk session and was linked with the
other two under the new presbytery. The Church laws prepared in July 1915 for
the informal pastoral committees formed in both Kikuyu and Ttimutumt; missions
were revised for use by these courts. The refurbished document was then ratified
by the new presbytery at its first meeting on 11th October 1920.
The new Presbytery of East Africa under Church of Scotland was given an
operating document modeled on the latter's constitution, which defined the role of
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the Presbytery and that of its members. It had pastoral oversight of the Kirk
sessions, the licensing and ordination of local candidates for the ministry and their
oversight during training among other duties. One important conclusion to be
drawn from the foregoing was that, the Presbytery of East Africa was modelled in
such a manner that the affairs of the church were still under the control of the
missionaries. As further evidence, there was no ordained African minister at the
time. However the setting up of the Presbytery and ordaining Africans as
Presbyterian elders was a new beginning of establishing African leadership in the
church. As such, the new presbytery had an enormous task for setting up a course
of instruction for those who were to be ordained at a later date.
Courses of instruction for evangelists had been organized at Tfimfltfimii by
Marion Stevenson. The newly trained evangelists were sent out to preach and
start congregations in various parts in Nyeri. However, as already mentioned,
there was great need for African ordained ministers to carryon the work of the
church, which was in the hands of few missionaries. It was precisely for this
work that an astute theologian, Rev. Dr. Calderwood was appointed in 1921 to
organize training course of study for senior evangelists. In readiness for the
ordination of the first African ministers, the Presbytery produced a book for
public worship in Gikfiyfl language Mbiiku ya Mahoya ma Kiihoithia (Service
Book).
168
This book was a translation of the selected portions of Book of Common Order
and Ordinal and Service Book, both of the Church of Scotland. It was urgently
needed by the ministers for worship services, as there was no other literature other
than the Gikfiyii hymn book earlier mentioned and Bible translation work that had
been carried on throughout the years since 1909 when Mr. Barlow produced the
first Gikiiyti version of the Gospel according to St Mark. He then translated the
psalms and many other portions of the OT. In that process, the NT translation
that Mr. Barlo~2 and the Rev. Harry Leakey of Church Mission Society (CMS),
Kabete had been doing in conjunction with inter- mission team of translators was
completed and published in 1925. These books, the Book for Public Worship, the
Giktiyii NT Bible and other translated portions of the OT Bible and Gikfiyfi hymn
book were to be important tools for the ministers in their pastoral work. However
no African was involved in this noble task of translation that was based on the
missionaries' assumption of cultural and religious superiority, albeit mistaken.
On 14thMarch, 1926, Paulo Kahuho, Solomon Ndambi, Jeremiah Waita, Joshua
Riunge and Simeon Karachu were ordained as ministers at Tfimiitfimii.
Undoubtedly, this event marked the end of an era and the beginning of another in
the history of the Presbyterian Church in Kenya. It brought to the young church
the first African ordained ministers who were to lead the church in inculturation
22 Barlow was a gifted learner of language, in a short time after arriving from Scotland, he could
use the GTkuyu language well He translated the scriptures and many songs from hymns of
consecration and faith into the GTkuyu language
169
process, that is, rooting the message of Christ in every sphere of African life for
better understanding and living in a genuinely Gikiiyii context. However, this did
not happen for missionaries acting through CSM continued to dominate in policy
and theological issues of the church (Miano, 2008:208). This was as a result of
missionaries' arrogance and condescending attitude that Africans had no religion
of their own prior to the introduction of Christianity and even if they had, it was
of no consequences for their cultures were permeated with devilish thinking.
In 1956, a number of remarkable events in the history of the PCEA took place.
Necessary steps were undertaken to unite all Presbyterians in Kenya for the
church was divided along racial lines. There was the Overseas Presbytery of the
Church of Scotland in Kenya whose membership and leadership was whites only
and the Synod of the Presbyterian Church of East Africa for the blacks, but with
white leadership. In order to unite the two Presbyteries, a committee representing
both churches was set up to formulate proposals for the same. A scheme of union
for a united church was prepared by the Committee. The response from the two
churches was favourable for the union, thus, the Overseas Presbytery of the
Church of Scotland in Kenya severed its connection with the Church of Scotland
and joined Synod of the Presbyterian Church of East Africa. The General
Assembly of the United Church (the current PCEA) was inaugurated by the
Moderator of the Church of Scotland on 11th Feb 1956 at St Andrews Church,
Nairobi. A new constitution modelled in many ways to that of the Church of
170
Scotland was ratified, and Rev. Dr. R.G.M Calderwood was elected its first
Moderator.
Under the new Presbyterian system of government, transposed from the Church of
Scotland, each parish has a session made up of elders, with a pastor as the
moderator. The Session governs the local churches within the parish, receives
and discipline members as well as manages churches' welfare. The presbytery,
made up of parishes within its bounds, examine, ordain and install ministers,
review reports from Sessions, listen to any complaint, organize new parishes and
help administer denominational matters. The highest judicial body is the General
Assembly (GA), which meets once in three years and is made up of lay and clergy
comnussioners elected by their Presbyteries on a proportional plan of
representation.
The GA settles all matters of policy and doctrine referred from the lower
governing bodies, establishes new presbyteries, appoints standing committees and
commissions, receives reports from presbyteries and Standing Committees and
reviews all appeals. The GA's decisions are final except that it cannot in itself
amend the Church constitution- this has to be adopted by 2/3 of all Presbyteries.
There are three officers of the General Assembly. A Moderator is chosen for a
three year term and may be re-elected for a second and final term. The Moderator
presides over GA meetings and is the official spokesperson of the church. The
171
Secretary General (the chief executive officer of the church) is elected for a term
of six years and the Deputy Secretary General is elected for a term of four years.
Nevertheless, evangelism through the churches was crucial in the evangelization
of the Gikfiyfi community. This was done through worship, preaching and
teaching, all three roles used in propagating the traditions of Presbyterianism,
Christian doctrines and various ways of adoration. The strength of this method
was in establishing a Presbyterian community with indigenous leadership whose
task was to participate in the process of contextualization indigenous worship
such as clapping hands, dancing and usage of African musical instruments. This is
well illustrated by the PCEA proceedings of the First General Administration
Committee (GAC), of the Eleventh GA of 1986 under resolution 3747 as follows:
In view of enriching contributions to worship that were mushrooming in the
whole church, the GAC instructed the Business Committee with the following
terms of reference:
1. To find ways and means of collecting and exchanging such practices
between PCEA churches.
2. To find ways and means of helping to Improve the spiritual and
theological thrust of the same.
3. To work with the Pastoral Institute in the production of any future material
connected with indigenization of church worship.
172
4. To provide such literature as would be possible for wider circulation.
5. To take the question of hymn book revision as instructed by the GA 1985.
6. To undertake any other matters in the opinion of the church, this would
enhance the indigenization of worship in PCEA.
The strength of missionaries' evangelization through the church was the provision
of the books of liturgy called Mbiiku ya Mahoya Ma Kfihoithia (Service Book), a
hymn book and the Holy Bible. They were translated by the missionaries in
GIkfiyfi language to cater for the order of worship. Notably, indigenization of
worship was done through GIkfiyfi language, locally trained evangelists and
pastors who continued to translate the Presbyterian faith in vernacular. Further,
the Presbyterian doctrines were also put into expressions, idioms and metaphors
which were readily intelligible to the Africans. This created a distinct community
of believers within the family of Presbyterianism in Kenya.
The rrussionanes had a variety of weakness in evangelization. First, they
transposed the Scottish theological education and philanthropy to the Gikiiyfi
people and used it comprehensively without conditioning it to fit the aspirations
and the needs of the Gikfiyfi. Regrettably, the PCEA Church has continued with
the Western theological education and a general mentality of dependence to date,
despite the PCEA being independent of the Church of Scotland for over fifty
years. Second, missionaries introduced the Church of Scotland administrative
173
structure and institutions to the Gikfiyii indiscriminately without any adjustment
to fit the social structure. Unfortunately, the basic leadership structure has
continued to be modelled as the parent body in Scotland even after PCEA became
autonomous in 1956. Third, the order of service, the book of liturgy and hymns
were all transplanted from Scotland. Consequently, the continued uses of these
tools of worship, have greatly hampered the process of inculturation since they
are incompatible with aspirations and needs of the Gikiiyfi. In this way,
missionaries transplanted their home grown Christianity in terms of liturgy,
hymns and Church structure and embedded it wholesale among the Gikiiyti. This
led to a Christianity without integrated cultural values.
In view of the observations above, many Gikiiyii rites and ceremomes were
abandoned as the people embraced Christianity. Yet, Christianity as was
prese~ted by the missionaries was deficient of the provision of adequate security
and protection from ancestral spirits, witchcraft and sorcery. Consequently, many
converts did not know what to do with it while it dismally failed to meet their
emotional needs, as Gikfiyii religion did. To fill this emptiness, that was created
by a dissatisfaction in Christianity, many converts were compelled to augment
their religious vacuum with the beliefs and practices in ilgo.
This view is supported by Kraft (1979: 178) and O'Donovan (1996: 234) who
indicate that this occurs largely due to the ineffectiveness of the medical science
174
and the mission Christianity in diagnosing and prescribing remedies for some
cultural problems. As mentioned earlier, Conversion involved change from
traditional ways to Christians/Western lifestyle where physical outlook was more
emphasized e.g. cleanness\hygiene, Western mannerism and dressing code.
Wa Thiongo (1972: 83) concurs with this view in his address to the General
Assembly of 1970 and urges the Church, to become an agent of indigenization.
He states that:-
If the Church in the past has been the greatest cause of misshapen
Africans souls and cultural alienation, it must, today work for
civilization: It must examine the African traditional forms of worship,
African forms of marriage, and African traditional forms of sacrifice.
Why were these things meaningful and wholesome to the traditional
African community? What was the secret of Miindii Miigo (diviner
doctor), of the rainmaker? What of mountains, the moon, the mugumo
tree (Glkiiyil sacred tree) for instance? What of drums and dances and
even ceremonial drinking and forms of oath taking? Can the core of
Christian faith find anchor in some of these symbols or must the
Christian faith be forever be clothed in the joyless drab and dry
European middle class culture?...Why is wine at Holy Communion
more ceremoniously clean and Christian than njohi [Gikiiyfitraditional
brew]? These are not idle questions: for the symbols with which we
choose to identify ourselves are important in expressing the values
held by a community.
It should also be noted that the main reason for missionaries in transplanting their
homegrown Christianity was to destroy the value system of Gikfiyii culture. This
was done through missionaries' presupposition, via preaching and teaching that
what was good for Europe must be fine for Africans, and what was evil for West
was iniquity for others. As a result, Gikfiyiis rites, customs, beliefs and practices
in iigo were reckoned as permeated with devilish thinking and had to be replaced
175
with Western rituals. As will be noted, a similar approach was also used through
Western medicine as a means of evangelization.
(iv) Evangelism through Western Medicine
Miano (2008) points out that Western medicine was introduced at Tiimfitiimfi
mission to heal yaws, dysentery, small pox and other diseases that were very
prevalent at the time in order to entice converts to the mission. Gitonga (2005:95)
observes that Western medicine was also introduced by missionaries as "a means
of evangelization strategy in three ways; to attract people to the mission station, to
combat polygamy and to combat traditional healing". Western medicine was thus
one of the strategies that CSM used to evangelize the Gikiiyii in order to suppress
beliefs and practices in iigo . In line with Niebuhr's (1951) first model of Christ
against culture, missionaries and western medics believed that Gikiiyii medicine
was evil and ago were charlatans.
In the place of African healers, the CSM introduced western doctors,
contemporary medicine and hospitals wherever they established a mission station
(Cox, 1998). It was in this sense that the establishment of the medical facility,
was given a high priority at Tiimiitiimfi Mission Station. Like the mambere school
and the mission church, the hospital was built in October 1909, immediately after
Barlow's arrival together with Mr. Gitoto the first medical assistant at Tiimfitiimti.
176
When Dr. Philip arrived in 1910, he expanded the small unit into a fully fledged
hospital with wards23•
As a prelude to this, the missionaries and western medical practitioners were
convinced that the contemporary medicine would playa crucial role of attracting
Gikiiyii to the mission station and also combat all traditional healing practices. As
such, it became apparent that in the recruitment of medical personnel, advice was
given to ensure that such employees primarily were first transmitters of the
Gospel and second medical practitioners. Miano (2008) explains the
evangelization role of Dr. Philip who was the head of Tfimfitiimfi mission
hospital:
On top of all that, Dr. Philip was a preacher and a bible teacher.
About 1913 he used to say that he had read the Bible from Genesis
to Revelation over forty times and I trust that before he died he had
read the Bible more than fifty times from Genesis to Revelation.
He wa~ our teacher in the bible class and as far as I am concerned,
most of the verses that I know too well came from him. He used to
give us many verses to learn by heart and many of his students can
still say those verses without looking at the Bible text.
It is obvious that, western medical practitioners and contemporary medicine were
instrumental in propagating the Gospel and healing, thereby greatly affecting
beliefs and practices in iigo.
At the beginning, it was difficult to convince Africans to go to hospital. Chiuri
(0.1, 2010) says that the Glkiiytiwere not sure whether "spider eggs" referring to
23 Barlow, "Beginnings at Tumutumu", in Kikuyu News 14 (Oct. 1909)
177
pills given to them from the Mission Hospital, were poisonous or good for
healing. Many buried them in the ground, or simply threw them away. However,
as time went by, some African converts became immensely helpful in introducing
Western medicine to their villages and thus breaking the prejudice against
contemporary drugs through teachings. When these medicines showed power to
heal the aforementioned diseases which were widespread and killed many people,
the hospital gained great reputation and people started going there for treatment in
big numbers'".
Chiuri (OJ, 2010), further observes that as the patients gathered in the centers
and mission hospitals for treatment, the missionaries made use of the opportunity
to teach them lessons from the Bible and encouraged them to accept Christianity;
thus as they were cured, they also got converted. Further, Joseph (0.1 2010) adds
that parents of sick children were requested to enroll them in the mambere school
at Tiimfitfimfl station or any other out-school near them when they sought
treatment in mission hospitals.
A case in point is the story of a girl named Wangechi, who was among the first
girls in mambere at Tfimfitfimii. She was taken to the hospital while very sick and
had to be confined to the hospital for three months. Her own experience of the
disease and the Gospel preached to her while at the hospital, became a driving
24 The hospital drew 35 people or more daily during its second week of operation after the arrival
of Dr Philp (Barlow, "Beginnings at Tumutumu," in Kikuyu News 14 [Oct. 1909]).
178
force to join the mission school. Later, she used to say that she experienced Jesus
upon her life as a great healer (Chiuri, 0.1, 2010).
Munge (0.1, 2010) observes that Western medical practitioners and missionaries
were preaching that the their medicine was superior and stronger than iigo, which
they perceived as un-Christian, old fashioned and outdated at the time of
Wangechi's sickness. The same onslaught was also championed by hospital
assistants as they went round the villages to bring those who had been taken to the
"bush to die,,25. These hospital assistants and converts used to teach people to
refuse and disown all Gikilyii healing practices, in particular, iigo. Philp26 records
the kind of sermon that the first evangelists used to teach in their evangelistic
tours in the villages. They admonished the villagers to trust in God and Western
medicine and not in iigo beliefs and practice.
It is no wonder that the teaching against the beliefs and practices in iigo was
incorporated in the catechism book that was used to induct new converts into
Christianity. Those who wanted to join catechumen classes for baptism were
asked the following questions: Gikfiyii
Wee ri niiikuga ati niwaregana na Shaitani na mohoro make mothe
na maririria mothe moru ma mwiri? Wee niiikuga ati niwaregana
na mitiigo ya biiriiri uyu tria itaringaine na iihoro wa Ngai, ta
25 In GikGyG indigenous community, death really happened in the house. Those who were
perceived about to die were taken to the bush to await their end. This was so, because touching
a dead body led to ritual impurity.
26 PCEA lIJ1l & 3: Philp, "Tumutumu hospital report", 1919.
179
kiihoya ngoma, iirogi, iigo, iaharia, njohi, nyimbo cia iira thoni na
irua ria andii anja?
[Do you renounce Satan and all his work with sinful desires of the
flesh? Do you renounce all the practices of this land which are
contrary to the Word of God, such as things pertaining to departed
spirits, witchcraft, divination, sexual immorality, intoxicating
liquor, evil songs and female circumcision?(CS 1926)].
Those who were to be baptized after excelling in catechumen classes were asked
to answer the following question:
Niwatwa ringt ati niiiriregaga Shaitani na mohoro make mothe, 0
na meriria moru ma mwiri, 0 na iaiganage na maiindii mothe
mataiguanite na iihoro wa Ngai ta kiihoya ngoma, iirogi, iigo,
iitharia, njohi, nyimbo cia iira thoni na irua ria andii anja?
[Do you resolve a new to reject Satan and all his work, with all
evil lusts and that you will eschew all things not agreeable to the
word of God, such as things pertaining to departed spirits,
witchcraft, divination, sexual immorality, intoxicating liquor, evil
songs and female circumcision?(CS 1926)].
Similarly, parents who wanted their children to be baptized as infants were asked
to "abstain from all customs contrary to the word of God " aforementioned above.
Joseph (0.1, 2010), colloborates the same by saying that once a person became a
member of the Church, he or she would be disciplined for consulting Ago.
Further, pressure was brought to bear on the people enlisted in mission schools to
have nothing to do with beliefs and practices in iigo and visit missionary- run
hospitals when sick. To enforce this, the Tfimfitiimfimission started opening
dispensaries as outstations such as; Ihfirfirfi,Wandiimbi, Mahiga and Mathaithi.
Similarly, the colonial government through the Kenya Ordinance of 1928,
declared it illegal for anyone to be a healer, and anyone who did so, risked
imprisonment (Parrinder, 1958). It is during this time as Kareri (2003), observes
180
that beliefs and practices in iigo suffered most, with some Ago being forced to
publicly burn their healing paraphernalia and confess that their practice was evil.
Consequently, others went underground.
In view of the foregoing, we deduce that due to such developments, iigo was
threatened but not extirpated. During this period, Ago treated their clients under
great fear, and propagated their trade, in private backrooms in utmost secrecy. At
the same time, however, Muriithi (OJ, 2010) indicates that, many converts
realized that Western medicine did not take care of their daily misfortunes,
practical problems of evil and witchcraft, bad luck, poverty, childlessness and in
short, all their concrete social problems. This is because it is the inanimate
physical efficacy of chemical or surgical treatment that is emphasized in Western
healing while the indigenous medicines are administered because of their physical
properties as well as their spiritual efficacy. The emphasis on dreams, revelation
and divination in indigenous healing, together with the ways in which herbs are
used, suggests that this method pays more attention to spiritual efficacy. Such
may comprise the attempt to control the material and spiritual world; an aspect of
spiritual healing lacking in Western medicine that compelled the converts to
continue with beliefs and practices in iigo .
This demonstrates that any frustrations that converts underwent under Western
medicine, therefore, drove them to beliefs and practices in iigo. Dualism served
181
as double insurance for Western medicine, which dealt with physical aspects, and
beliefs and practices in iigo addressed spiritual aspects, thus, protecting them from
the pangs of curses, ancestral spirits and witchcraft. As will be demonstrated in
the next section, it is important to realize that the Gikfiyii relate their experiences
to the outer transcendental world through forces beyond the natural realm. They
believed that there are spiritual beings in the non- material world potent with
powers that are either malevolent or benevolent, a philosophy that forces the
Gikiiyii to search for answers from Ago and other intermediaries.
In essence, failure of Western medicine to differentiate between spiritual and
physical efficacy in indigenous Gikfiyii healing was a cognitive error, resulting in
branding it as superstition and unworthy. By repudiating traditional way of
healing, missionaries were presenting a Western approach to sickness and healing
which rejects the centrality of the supernatural in all healings. According to this
view, sickness is caused by microscopic organisms and the sick become well
through natural medicine. However, nothing was said about the spiritual aspect.
Thus, despite the important and tremendous contribution Western medicine has
made the wellness of Gikuyil Christians, there was, a problem. As noted earlier,
sickness in Gikiiyfl worldview has physical and spiritual dimensions. Against this
background, the healing the Western medicine gave did not exactly correspond to
the disease theory among the Gikiiyii, for there was no cure for people under a
curse, haunted by spirits of departed parents and under shackles of witchcraft.
, •• , "'--"~ __ "_' .. # III e __ .!'iGIItt"~
182
Consequently, this shortcoming of Western medicine has formed religious
dualism in the minds of GikiiyfiChristians as will be expounded.
In evaluating evangelization through Western medicine, the study indicates that
the missionaries' approach was effective in that, the Gospel was presented to
Gikfiyu as an act of grace, when they were physically ill. The mission hospital
played a pivotal role during the 1918 famine, followed by influenza which struck
Nyeri region, forcing many people to flock to the mission station in search of food
and treatment. In the process, the non-Christians were evangelized (Macpherson,
1970). The major weakness of Western medicine is its lack of the spiritual aspect
in treatment.
The function of hospital chaplains, which addressed the spiritual aspect that
lacked in Western medicine, was also insufficient for they did not have a say in
admission, treatment and discharging of patients. Their role was inadequate since
it lacked the invocation of God either to counteract the root cause of the illness or
to energize the drugs in order to make them effective. This led Gikilyli converts
to revert to beliefs and practices in iigo, which offered a satisfactory and wholistic
treatment. As such, missionaries transposed the ministry of healing from their
home country to the Gikiiyii. This hindered the incorporation of the spiritual
aspects found in the beliefs and practices in iigo into Western medicine, thus
making Gikuyu Christians revert to the same.
183
4.2.3 Conclusion
In view of the foregoing missionaries' key approaches to evangelizing were only
effective in reaching and winning many converts to Christianity. The main
weakness however, was that the methods adopted in preaching the Gospel as have
been noted were aimed at uprooting the Gikiiyii body and soul from their old
customs and beliefs. By so doing, the Glkfiyfitraditions were distorted and their
cultural institutions trampled upon, thereby leaving them vulnerable to the new
faith. As such, other than instilling high morality and better living standard to
most Gikfiyii,Christianity was not utilizable in circumventing and subduing life's
threats. Such insufficiency of meeting their daily needs, forced GikfiyiiChristians
back to iigo, thus, syncreatising it with Christianity, hoping therefore, to have the
best of both.
Further, it can be inferred that missionaries' approaches of evangelizing Gikiiyii
ignored the process of inculturation by deliberately excluding beliefs and
practices in iigo. This supports the conceptual framework in this study. In relation,
Niebuhr's (1951) missiological theory and especially Christ against culture motif,
the negative attitude of missionaries towards the beliefs and practices in ugo in
favor of their culture, shaped their strategies to evangelization. In order to avoid
beliefs and practices in iigo, they transplanted their home-grown Christianity and
strategically planted it wholesale among the Gikiiyii without adjusting to fit the
184
new religio-cultural environment. These strategies spurred religious schizophrenic
in many Gikiiyii Christians. This will be evident in the next section.
4.2.4: Factors leading Giktiyti PCEA Christians to Ugo beliefs and
practices
This section affirms the premise that Gikiiyti Presbyterians Christians are
vulnerable to beliefs and practices in i1go despite Christian evangelization. In
accordance with the study's conceptual framework, it is necessary to examine if
Gikiiyii PCEA Christians understanding of health, illness and healing is
influenced by Gikiiyu religion.
4.2.4.1: Respondents Familiarity with Ugo
To assess the above, the study sought to investigate respondents' knowledge in
iigo. The findings are presented in figure 4.3.
185
Fig. 4.3: Respondents' Knowledge in iigo
• Yes • No • No comments
4.9% 2.1%
The results in figure 4.3 showed that there was a high level of awareness in iigo
with 92.0 percent of the respondents reporting having heard of it, 4.9% claimed to
have never heard of ugo while 2.1% had no comments. These results are
congruent with Mbiti (1969) and Gehman (1989) who argue that there is a high
level of awareness of mystical powers in Africa. This implies that respondents
were likely to interpret the questionnaires correctly and give authentic
information.
186
4.2.4.2: Basis of Ugo Knowledge
The study further investigated the basis of iigo information in Nyeri Presbytery.
The results are presented in Table 4.1:
Table 4.1: Frequency distribution of the source of Ugo information
Source Frequency % **
Friends 254 81
Radio 241 76.9
Church 220 70.2
Television 205 65.4
Print media 111 35.5
Public meetings (barazas) 40 12.6
Funerals 30 9.5
Weddings 28 9.0
Others 6.3
* * Multiple responses were allowed
The mam source of information about iigo was friends (81%) followed by
electronic media (radio) with 76.9%, Church (70.2%), television (65.4%) and
print media (35.5%) respectively. Other sources of information, which included
public meetings (barazas), funerals, weddings and others accounted for 39.4%.
The results clearly indicate that many people in the study area can easily access
information about iigo through various communication channels. Accordingly, the
respondents' way of life entails interaction and networking with friends, social
events, print and electronic media. This implies that beliefs and practices in iigo
have taken root among Glkfiyfi PCEA Christians in the area of study.
187
4.2.4.3: Respondents Familiarity with Glkuyu PCEA Christian's
involvement in Ugo
The third question of analysis focused on whether respondents were familiar with
Christians who consulted Ago. Their responses are presented in figure 4.4;
Fig. 4.3 Respondents familiar with PCEA Christians who
consult Ogo
Yes
No
Figure 4.4 shows that at least 53.1 % of the respondents know PCEA Christians
who consult ugo while 46.9% did not know of any. It appears that ugo is a
philosophy used by Gikiiyii PCEA Christians to explain events and circumstances
that lack scientific explanations. This phenomenon according to Banda (2005),
eventuates in syncreatising'" Christianity and African religion. In buttressing this
point, Mugabe (1999: 240) asserts that:
In fact, the reason why many African Christians embrace both
Christianity and African traditional religions is because they
27 Baum (1996: 97) defines syncretism as a state of maintaining "dual allegiance by recognizing
two sources of religious authority." In this state of mind, the person determines that each tradition
possesses "areas of knowledge and expertise as well as its own areas of ignorance or error".
188·
perceive traditional religion as being able to meet real needs in
procuring salvation in this real world while Christianity merely
concerns itself with the hereafter. An understanding of salvation
that is preoccupied only with the salvation of souls from eternal
damnation has left this impression on the bulk of African people.
It is this seeming insufficiency of Christianity to grant Gikfiyfi PCEA Christian
true salvation, mostly of their existential needs, that forces them into religious
syncretism. Instead of rejecting Christianity altogether, they opt to remain in both
Christianity and also follow the beliefs and practices in iigo. As such, they live in
duality hoping to gain "double insurance" from both religions.
4.2.4.4: Detection of PCEA Christians who Consult Ogo
The study also sought to find out how PCEA Christians who consult iigo are
detected. Findings are indicated in Table 4.2 below:
Table 4.2: Frequency distribution on how Christians who consult Ugo are
detected
Source/ information Frequency Percent
**
Through friends 94 56.7
Through hearsay 91 54.6
Acquaintances who accompany them 77 46.4
to Ago's place
Confidants of those who have 27 16.5
consulted Ago
* * Multiple responses were allowed.
The findings in Table 4.2 indicate that main source of information about those
who the consult Ago were friends (56.7%), acquaintances (46.4%), and (16.5%)
from confidants who had accompanied them. It is significant to note that 54. 6%
came to know those who consult iigo through rumours, thereby showing that
189
beliefs and practices in ilga are common talk. This also shows that there is
openness in regard to the information, even among Christians. As such, ilga
beliefs and practices in the area of study are alive despite the Church's rejection
of the same. This concurs with Mbiti (1969), Gehman (1989) and Chepkwony
(2006) who observe that, it is not uncommon to meet African Christians who
revert to their indigenous remedies when faced with difficulties.
4.2.4.5: Spiritual fear of mystical forces among Gikiiyii PCEA Christians
The study sought to find out the depth of the beliefs in curses, witchcraft,
ancestral spirits and taboo among the respondents. Figure 4.5, shows the results;
Fig. 4.5: Spiritual fear of curses, witchcraft, ancestral spirits and
taboo
No comment
0.9%
Results shown in figure 4.5 depict that 90.2% of PCEA Christians in Nyeri
Presbytery have overwhelming fear of curses, witchcraft, ancestral spirits and
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taboo while a paltry 9.5% said they do not. The results show that the fears of
curses, witchcraft and taboos wield great control in the lives of many Gikfiyfi
PCEA Christians. The spiritual fear is rooted in the indigenous cosmology which
assumes that the spiritual and human worlds interpenetrate and also that spirits
can influence the lives and experiences of human beings, thus, occurrences in life
are not accidental. These findings support the observation by Banda (2005) that
many African Christians live in consuming fear of the aforementioned forces, just
like their non-Christian counterparts.
The findings imply that like their forebearers, Gikuyil Christians live in great fear
of mystical forces. Since this problem permeates Christian conversion, the results
suggest that Christianity as presented by the CSM missionaries was deficient of
the provision of adequate security and protection of Giktiyii Christians' spiritual
fear. This implies that Gikfiyti Christians' cultural substratum has not been
penetrated by the Gospel. Christians are yet to be sufficiently convinced that the
protective power of salvation brought by Christ vanquishes that of witchcraft,
curses, ancestral spirits and taboos. Any African theology designed for Gikiiyii
(and most Africans) Christians that hopes to be relevant, should neither overlook
nor underestimate mystical forces.
191
4.2.4.6: Source of Refuge for victims of Mystical Powers
The study also sought to establish the source of help for persons inflicted by
misfortunes linked to mystical powers. The results are presented in figure 4.6:
Fig. 4.6: Source of help for persons inflicted by misfortunes
All of the above
No comment
Ago
Hospital
Church
Figure 4.6 indicates that 48.6% believes the Church is a refuge for victims of
mystical forces while 37.9% resorted to iigo, 8.6% went to hospital, 1.5%
consulted all, while 3.4%, did not respond. Considering the fact that a large
number seek help in the Church and from iigo, it implies that the understanding of
afflictions among Gikiiyii PCEA Christians is derived from Biblical teachings and
indigenous religion. It is necessary, therefore, to examine both views in regard to
misfortunes. First, on Biblical ideas, the work of Jesus as the savior of the world
includes solving existential problems and restoring people back to fellowship. The
subsequent responses of two respondents epitomize this view:
48.6%
192
Kwa maoni makwa rI, Jesu nl miiril wa Ngai, iirIa iitfiheaga indo
ciothe nginya ishonia. Ndamiikaira rIrIa ndi hatika-ini,
nianjiguaga ffitfimi nl tondii akoragwo hamwe nanii mahinda
mothe riria ndiramiitungata kanitha-ini; Jesu e hamwe nanii
ngiihuria iratathi rlri Mmiihonokia wa ngoro yakwa.
(In my own thinking, Jesus is the son of God, the one through
whom we get all things including healing. When in difficulties, I
call upon God, he answers me, God is with me as I serve him in
Church; Jesus is beside me now as I fill in this form. He is also the
saviour of my soul; Mwangi O. 1,2010).
Mahinda maria ndi mfirilaro na aciari akwa na arata matiire
hakuhi, Jesu akoragwo hamwe na nii kiinyamariira minyamaro na
kuhonia. Mahinda maria ngoragwo njiirirwo nl hinya, we nlwe
igai riakwa, akoragwo na nii hingo ciothe riigetha athondekere
nfira weru-ini.
(Sometimes when I am sick and my parents and best friends are
not there; Jesus is always there to comfort and heal me.
Sometimes I may be discouraged about things in life, but he is my
inheritance, ever there for me to make way where there seems to
be none; (Wairimu, O. 1,2010).
The words of Mwangi and Wairimu highlight the solution oriented mindset that
underlies majority of Gikuyu PCEA Christians. Their responses underscore the
readiness of most Christians to locate Jesus in the context of total wellbeing, thus,
many primarily see Jesus Christ as a solution to their spiritual, economic, ethical,
and even political problems. What is worthy noting in the testimonies above is
that many Christians do not make a conscious distinction between Church, God
and Jesus Christ. Majority of respondents quickly drifted from Church to God and
Christ and vice versa. Consequently, most of them being laypersons are not able
to make ontological dichotomy between Jesus, God and Church.
193
Second, reliance in iigo when inflicted by mystical powers is explained from the
Gikiiyfi indigenous healing viewpoint that used both physical and spiritual aspects
while dealing with difficult situations. Driven by this mindset, when the first
attempt in addressing the problem has failed, it is suggested that mystical
dimension is involved. The victim is then forced to reflect again whether the
Church or the hospital really solved the problem once and for all or if other causes
were at work simultaneously. This make the afflicted person resorts to iigo for
advice on how to deal with the invisible agent suspected to be the cause of the
problem. This phenomenon means that the Church is one solution among others
in Gikiiyiiland.This is illustrated by Kamau's response ( OJ, 2010):
Akristiano machokago iigo-ini riria mona Jesu taikara tondfi iigo
niguo moi wI wInya wakiimaninira mathina mao na nIgwo
wateithagia maithe mao me hatika-ini.
(Gikilyil Christians opt to return to beliefs and practices in ugo
when Jesus appears to be too slow to answer their prayers since
they consider it inherently powerful and familiar, having been
solutions their forebears depended on when in crisis).
A similar trend was observed in a study by Ezigbo (2008: 178) in Nigeria.
He observes:
The act of temporarily deserting Jesus Christ in order to use other
sources of solution is not a phenomenon that occurs only among
Christians in North Nigeria. This phenomenon is happening among
many Christians in all parts of Africa. The majority of the
interviewees, regardless of their Church denominations and ethnic
backgrounds, said that many Christians are consulting native
doctors or other indigenous agencies when Jesus delays to give
them children, to heal them, to protect them from spiritual attacks,
and to bless them with material things.
A key argument that emerges from the above discussion is that GikfiyiiChristians
expect their religion to be utilizable in conquering and gaining advantage over
life's challenges. When Christianity and contemporary medicine fail to meet their
194
needs, Christians are compelled to seek solutions from iigo. What is lacking,
therefore, is a theology that questions and seeks to discover and interact with the
cultural, religious and theological presuppositions that underlie Gikiiyil
Christians' beliefs and attitudes towards mystical forces.
4.2.4.7: Cases Handled by Ugo that Defy Contemporary Medicine
The study then sought respondents' perception on cases handled by Ago that
defeat contemporary medicine. The results are presented in figure 4.7
Fig. 4:7: Cases Handled by Ogo that defy
Contemporary Medicine
49.7%
46.9%
From the data above, it can be seen that majority believe that there are cases
handled by iigo that cannot be dealt with by contemporary medicine. The results
3.4%
Yes No No comment
in figure 4: 7 reveal that 49.7% of respondents agreed that some cases handled by
iigo defeat contemporary medicine while 46.9%, did not agree and 3.4% said they
did not know.
195
These findings are due to the fact that, in Gikfiyti indigenous worldview, diseases
and misfortunes were believed to be caused by spiritual forces such as ancestral
spirits and human agents, among them sorcerers and witches. This mind set seems
to permeate the thinking of the majority of Gikfiyfi PCEA Christians. It can be
seen that respondents have carried on the idea of wellbeing as construed in
Gikiiyii indigenous religion into Christianity.
The following responses were common opinions expressed by respondents:
Conditions such as infertility, impotence, epilepsy, mental illness
and wasting away with no plausible cause are generally
attributed to mystical agents among them ancestral spirits and
witchcraft (John Mwangi 0.1,2010).
Contemporary doctors do not deal with the root cause of diseases
and misfortunes, hence, the chance of recurring (Bilha Wangechi,
0.1,2010).
The illnesses and misfortunes which defeat contemporary doctors
are mainly associated with curses, witchcraft and ancestral spirits
(Esther Wanjiru, OJ, 2010).
Unlike contemporary doctors who mainly deal with diseases, Ago
offer solutions to all types of problems taken to him (Philip
Thiongo, OJ, 2010)
These findings concur with Lamanna in Welbourn's (1966) observation where he
claims that his father who worked in Mulago hospital in Uganda for 35 years as a
medical practionner could enumerate a number of diseases such as epilepsy and
mental illness that defeat contemporary medicine. This finding is also in
agreement with the assertion of Yorub a healers, Akinnuli (in Dopamu, 1985: 74).
He observes:
The main objective in any art of healing is the ultimate
achievement of a lasting cure. In fact, there have been many cases
196
where orthodox medicine failed and the traditional medicine
proved useful in the treatment of chronic diseases.
It is evident from the above findings that illnesses and misfortunes are attributed
by many African Christians to a spiritual agent and personalistic causes, hence,
the method of cure or treatment equally sterns from the same realms and Ago and
other religious specialists may be good curers.
The respondents who indicated contemporary medicines as best suited to handle
all medical cases cited the following reasons:
Contemporary medical personnels' diagnostic methods are more explicit
and use current scientific testing techniques and not guesswork as with Ago
(Naomi Wanjiku, OL 20]0).
Doctors are more knowledgeable in regard to treating diseases while Ago
seem to be addressing symptoms (Joan Waitherero, OL 20] 0).
Contemporary doctors are truthful in their healing profession while Ago
are liars (Peter Kinyua, OL 20] 0).
These arguments could be based on missionary teachings for they equated Ago
practices with superstition and evil, thus, they must be repudiated. Consequently,
some Gikiiyii Christians have continued to hold the same belief. Chepkwony
(2006) colloborates the idea by noting that some Christians in the mission
founded Churches and African medical personnel have maintained the negative
attitude held by Western missionaries that African traditional healers are liars and
their curing practices are superstitious. To such Christians, the difference between
indigenous and contemporary medicine is similar to the difference between
superstition and science.
197
4.2.4.8: Existential needs that make Gikfiyfi PCEA Christians Persistence in
Beliefs and Practices in Ugo
The study sought to document the existential needs that make Gikfiyii Christians
consult ugo. The data analyzed were from elders, pastors and Church members
(N=326). The results are shown in table 4:3:
Table 4.3: Frequency distribution of reasons for consulting Ugo
Responses Frequency Percent **
Diseases 183 56.4
Family conflicts 179 54.9
Land disputes among neighbours 167 51.1
Love potions 154 47.3
Marital conflicts 147 45.2
Childlessness and impotence 143 44
Power and prosperity 80 24.8
To acquire protective charms 69 21.8
Suspicion of having been bewitched 64 19.8
curses 63 19.2
Lack of enough faith in Jesus' power 63 19.2
To recover lost property 61 18.8
Insanity 58 16.9
To ensure opponent/enemies are 36 11.3
destroyed
Mysterious death in the family 36 11.3
To appease ancestral spirits 24 7.5
Others 22 6.9
2,608
** Multiple responses were allowed
198
From a sample of 326 respondents, a total of 2,608 existential frequency needs
were given. The findings of this survey indicate seven key reasons. Top in the
list were diseases (56.4%), followed by family conflicts (54.9%), love potions
(51.1%), marital conflicts (47.3%), childlessness and impotence (44%), power
and prosperity (24.8%), to get protective charms (21.8%). Other reasons include:
suspicion of having been bewitched (19.8%), being under a curse (19.2), Lack of
enough faith in Jesus (19.2), power to recover lost property (18.8%), insanity
(16.9%), to ensure opponents/enemies are destroyed (11.3%), mysterious deaths
in the family (11.3%), to appease ancestral spirits (7.5%) and others (6.9%).
These findings imply that Ago's scope of operation is broad and covers every
aspect of human life. The list above indicates that among Gikfiyii Christians,
suffering and misfortunes go deeper than they may appear on the surface with
afflictions having physical and spiritual dimensions. This understanding stems
from indigenous worldview of iigo beliefs and practices. As such, we can deduce
that Ago's main concern in healing is to ascertain that the force of life prevails
over the powers of evil that attempt to destroy it. In comparison to the needs that
were taken to Ago in indigenous community in section 4.5.2, we can point out that
the beliefs and practises in iigo are quite rampant in the study area, although in a
more modernized form. This is essentially an adaption of traditional beliefs tailor
made for the contemporary milieu. This suggests that Gikfiytl PCEA Christians,
literate and illiterate, still see the world with the lenses of their forebearers, and
seek solutions for their problems and uncertainty of a changing world from the
same source - that is Ago.
These results are consistent with Muchiri' s (2000) and Mbondo' s (2006) studies
on life situations where Christians among Gikfiyfi and Kamba seek the services of
diviner-doctors. These findings are congruent with Mwaura (2001) and
Domingues (2000) who observe that there is an overriding belief in Africa that
199
throughout one's day to day activities, one is confronted by various evil forces
that militate against life's endeavours, causing diseases and misfortunes. Such
forces, in African indigenous context, were connected to beliefs in witchcraft,
sorcery, curses, spirits of ancestors and taboos and had to be counteracted through
diviner-doctors (Mages a, 1998).
Since these forces permeate beyond Christian conversion, the PCEA Church has
not realized fully the hold these beliefs have over Christians in Nyeri. This has
resulted in feeble efforts by church leaders through pulpit ministry warning
Christians not to be involved. By so doing, they fail to offer concrete solutions to
PCEA Christians' existential needs. Because of the failure of the church to offer
alternative practices to counteract these forces, Christian rituals and Western
medicine seem an inadequate replacement of beliefs and practices in iigo. This
could mean that Gikfiyfi Christians are driven to iigo because Christianity does not
offer an equivalent substitute to their spirituality.
This observation corresponds with Maimela's assertation that because of this
vulnerability, "many African Christians believe that the Church is not interested
in their daily misfortunes, illnesses, problems of evil, witchcraft, bad luck,
poverty, barrenness and in short, all their concrete social problems" (Maimela's
1991: 112). As such, rather than reject Christianity altogether as insufficient, they
opt to remain both in Church and at the same time continue with beliefs and
practices in iigo. Similar findings are documented by Karanja (1998) that many
African Christians are considered to be living a double life. He argues that the
underlying reason for this duality can probably be due to the fact that Christianity,
as presented by missionaries, does not address the deepest needs and fears of
Africans. The results indicate that in the mind set of Gikfiyii Christians, which is
influenced by an indigenous worldview, religion is the essence of life and is the
answer to all concrete social problems, spiritual and material. Consequently, as
200
Horton's theory of African religion as one of prediction, control and manipulation
indicates, to many Gikiiyii Christians, religion is both functionalistic and
utilitarianistic and must address existential needs, a basis of dualism. Gikiiyii
Christians need a theology that engages with their existential needs to give them a
wholistic Christian living.
4.2.4.9: Respondents who have benefitted from Ugo
The respondents were then asked: Have you ever benefitted from the services
offered by Ago? The results are presented in Figure 4:8:
Fig. 4.8: Respondents who have benefitted from Ugo
No comment
No
Yes
Figure 4.8 indicates that majority, one hundred and eighty four (58.5%) had not
benefitted from the services offered by Ago. Only fifty eight (18.6%) of the
respondents had, while seventy two (22.9) muzzled their comments. This implies
that, very few Christians are willing to admit openly that they consult iigo in time
of crisis. The underlying reason for this secrecy is that the Church condemns iigo
beliefs and practices and encourages her members to believe in the power of
prayer whenever misfortunes and illnesses strike. Consequently, those involved
in iigo are excommunicated or barred from participating in Church activities in
particular Holy Communion. As result, such Christians conceal their lifestyles in
201
a way that no one could suspect them to avoid Church discipline. These findings
are consistent with the Theron's (1996) and Magesa's (1998) observation that
diviner- healers' consultation enjoins secrecy since those who are found out by
the Church are subjected to Church discipline. This indicates that Christianity as
brought from the West or "mission Christianity" has not penetrated deeply into
the consciousness of a number of African Christians for it to become an integral
part of their religiosity.
4.2.4.10: Ugo Ideas or Images that Embody the Ministry of Jesus Christ
The study further sought to find out the ideas or images that Jesus Christ and Ago
share. Their images or ideas are presented in Table 4.4:
Table 4.4: Frequency distribution showing respondents ideas or images that
Christ and Ago share
Images or ideas Frequency Percent **
N=314
Healing 203 64.7
Purification/sanctification 189 60.2
Spiritual guidance 85 27.1
Exorcism 43 14.3
Mediators between God and humanity 26 8.3
Counselling 9 3.0
**Muitiple responses were allowed
Table 4.4 reveals that beliefs and practices in iigo have some images or ideas in
common with those of Jesus Christ with 64.7% of the respondents citing healing,
followed by purification (60.2). Other themes included Spiritual guidance
(27.1%), exorcism (14.3%), mediation (8.3%) and counselling (3.0) respectively.
These results imply that respondents' ideas stern from an indigenous worldview
202
on the roles of Ago as well as from Biblical teaching on the work of Christ. The
study deduces that understanding similarities between Jesus and Ago among
Christians derive from the amalgamation of indigenous religion and Biblical
teachings that both of them are divine agents in healing and wellbeing. The
striking parallels can provide good common ground between Christianity and
Gikfiyii Culture if the Gospel is going to have an impact on Christians' life. The
issue of concern is; what make Giktiyti Christians in the PCEA so susceptible to
iigo despite Christian evangelization? The foregoing factors give answers to this
question:
i) Many Gikiiyii PCEA Christians understanding of diseases and
misfortunes is influenced by their religio-cultural heritage, a basis of
dualism problem. In their view, illnesses and misfortunes have both
physical and mystical causes, thus, healing should also be mediated in
a wholistic manner that takes into account both physical and spiritual
aspects.
ii) In Gikfiyii PCEA Christians' worldview, Jesus is one among many
solutions to their spiritual and material problems. When Christianity
fails to meet spiritual and material needs, they are compelled to look
for alternatives; which are mainly in iigo.
203
iii) Christian rituals and contemporary medicine seem not to be an
adequate replacement for beliefs and practices in iigo. Christianity is
therefore not utilizable in circumventing and subduing all life's threats.
iv) Christianity has failed to penetrate sufficiently into Gikiiyii PCEA
Christians religiosity in away that would influence them like iigo, This
is evidenced by lack of transformation of Gikflyfl PCEA Christians'
worldview from beliefs and practices in iigo to Christocentric. A
worldview that is centered on Christ empowers Gikiiyu PCEA
Christians to place trust on Christ only.
As indicated above, the impact of the aforementioned factors has led to a
reversion into beliefs and practices in iigo in order to satisfy existential needs,
unmet by Christianity. This scenario accounts for dualism among Gikiiyii PCEA
Christians. Based on these findings, the study concludes by following Horton's
(1995) theory, that Gikfiyfi PCEA Christians' worldview is steeped in the
indigenous religious experiences: it is pragmatic or problem solving unlike
Mission Christianity.
204
4.2.5: The Attitude of the PCEA on the Beliefs and Practices in
Ugo
The study investigated the views of Church leadership (elders and pastors) on the
beliefs and practices in iigo, The results are presented below.
(i) The Perception of the PCEA on Ugo Beliefs and Practices
To ascertain how beliefs and practices in iigo are perceived and interpreted by the
Church, the study sought the reasons that prompt prohibition of members from
consulting Ago. Their responses are shown in Table 4.5.
Table 4.5: Frequency distribution of reasons that prompt the PCEA Church
prohibition of members from consulting Ago
Reasons Frequency (N=12) 010 **
lumped Ago with witches 10 86
and sorcerers
Ogo as a form of religious 7 60
syncretism
Ago as charlatans who 6 50
use deception on
troubled people
Ago as devil agents 3 35
Ogo as primitivity 2 20
Others 2 20
**Muitiple responses allowed
205
The results in Table 4:5 reveal that, majority of the respondents (86%) indicated
that Ago are lumped together with witches and sorcerers and 60% mentioned that
consulting Ago is equated to religious syncretism, and 50% cited that Ago are
referred to as charlatans. The other reasons for the Church's prohibition of beliefs
and practices in iigo are; equating Ago with devil's agents (35%) and perceiving
consultation of them as equal to going back to the primitive era (20%). The results
indicate that Ago are associated with negative connotations in terms of definitions
and roles. These perceptions were created by missionaries in their endeavour to
eliminate iigo thereby equating Ago as witches, sorcerers and agents of Satan.
Consequently, those who took over from missionaries equally viewed Ago with
the same lenses. These results correspond with the observation by Davidson
(1978:147) on missionaries' first encounter with diviner- healers as:
The missionaries did not understand what they saw. They thought
specialists in anti-witchcraft, who were fierce-looking figures,
wearing masks in strange ceremonies, were "making" witchcraft,
not fighting it, and so they called them "witchdoctors". Nearly
always, these specialists were anti-witchcraft doctors calling on the
powers of good; they were working against what they believed to
be powers of evil.
Shorter's (1984) and Stinton's (2004) colloborate these sentiments in their
studies that the term "diviner- healer" has negative denotations and connotations
in Africa, particularly due to missionary teachings that they are charlatans. By so
doing, missionaries reprimanded the new converts and forced them to refuse all
Gikiiyii healing methods and rebuff Ago. Similar results were also reported by
Schoffeleers (1994) who states that the African diviner healers have pejoratively
206
been referred to as embodiments of evil by both rrussronanes and African
Christian ministers. These findings are in agreement with Swantz (1990: 7). He
notes that:
Over the first 100 years, the medicine person and his/her work has
been grossly misrepresented and misunderstood. Western
sensationalism has attached to the person the name "witch-doctor',
which calls up visions of bizarre stereotypes of Africans which are
both inaccurate and offensive.
Given these contrasting interpretations of the same category of specialists, it is not
surprising that the PCEA prohibits members from consulting Ago. However, this
study observes that despite the Church repudiation of iigo beliefs and practices,
the quest for both physical and mystical healing, and prominence of Ago in this
regard is generally indispensable among Gikfiyfi PCEA Christians. Hence, for the
Church to be successful, it needs to take into consideration the two aspects of
healing. Overlooking one of the dimensions only result in persistence in beliefs
and practices in iigo amidst Christian practices.
(i) Disciplinary Measures taken by the Church on those who Consult
Ago
The study sought the respondents' views on disciplinary measures taken by
the Church on those found to have erred by consulting Ago. Interestingly, all
respondents including those who had not encountered members who have
consulted Ago, did not deny the existence of such practices. Muindi (01,
207
2010) representing the view of the Church leaders, indicated that the PCEA
employs its rules and regulations in enforcing moral discipline among the
members who consult Ago. These are enshrined in the Church constitution
known as PCEA Practice and Procedure Manual. The main steps followed in
dealing with those who contravene the Constitution especially first offenders
is counselling. In case the problem persists, offenders are either denied
certain services like the rite to baptism, partaking Holy Communion or ex-
communication.
These findings confirm that missionaries' evangelism through the Churches
where the structures and teachings of the PCEA were transposed from the
Church of Scotland without any adjustment to fit the local situations. It
implies that the aftermath of the encounter between CSM and iigo is still
evident today in the Church's rules and the regulations. The reason for this
was basically due to the Western theological hegemony and imperialism. In
the quest to convert the Glkiiyii to Christianity, certain cultural practices were
discouraged or ultimately prohibited by the missionaries. Unfortunately, the
Church has maintained the same attitude and perceptions of beliefs and
practices in iigo as they were proclaimed by the missionaries over a hundred
years ago. However, within the Christian theological circle, the quest to
reconstruct African theology that is designed to undo missionaries'
208
destructionist presupposition has been voiced. In this connection, Ng'
Weshemi (2002:82) observes that:
African theology comes out of a search for freedom from the
domination and imperialism of Western theology, which not only
has been dumb on the African experiential reality, but also has
perpetuated the disorientation and oppression of African people,
and the expansionist agenda and attitude of the West.
Mugambi (1995:23) colloborates this by noting that "African Christians can be
liberated from missionaries' domination legacy on which they have been nurtured
to enable them participate as full members of the international community."
These results imply that the Glkiiyii received the Gospel within an environment
where it was more or less "a set of rules to be observed, promises to be expected
in the next world, rhythmless hymns to be sung, rituals to be followed and a few
other outward things"(Mbiti, 1969:233). As a result, mission Christianity has
probably not penetrated deep enough into the consciousness of a large number of
Gikiiyti PCEA Christians for it to become an integral part of their religiosity. If
GikfiyfiChristians are to have a wholistic living, Christianity must pervade their
language thought patterns, fears, social relationships, attitudes and philosophical
disposition for it to make a mark upon their lives.
209
(ii) PCEA Leadership's Awareness of Members Adherence to fJgo
The study also sought to establish if the Church's leadership IS aware of
members' indulgence in ugo. The results are presented in Table 4.6:
Table 4.12: Church Leaders who know PCEA members consult Ago
Response %
Yes 12 100
No 0 0
Total 12 100
The results in Table 4.6 indicate that the Church leadership is aware that her
members consult Ago, an indicator that the Church is in denial of the reality
presented by iigo adherence by her members. Consequently, rather than continue
condemning the practice, the Church needs to wake up to the reality and attend to
the needs of its members within a Gikuyii worldview. This compares with
Stinton's study (2003) and Mbondo (2006) who note that although Africans have
converted to Christianity, their worldview has not been transformed. In times of
crisis, they revert to beliefs and practices of diviner-doctor because the Church
has ignored their past and no attempt has been made to penetrate it with the
Gospel. As such, like many other Africans, converted Gikiiyil live in two worlds -
one Christian and the other traditional.
This finding is corroborated by Moyo (1996) who found that African pastors who
are close to their members know those who have consulted traditional experts in
210
both rural and urban settings. As such, it should dawn on the Church leadership
that the mere dismissal of iigo as superstition, is of no consequence with many
members. Instead, the Church leadership ought to understand the underlying
factors that lead to iigo adherence among Gikiiyii Christians. By so doing, wise
counsel, based on Biblical teachings and Gikfiyti culture should be given so that
Christianity becomes an internalized religion that is lived and answers existential
questions. This could lead offenders to repentance without necessarily harassing
them through rules and regulations. Such practice would enable culprits to reform
and possibly be reintegrated to the Church.
From the above analysis, it is clear that the Church has not responded seriously to
the persistence of beliefs and practices in iigo among PCEA Christians. It is in
this light probably that beliefs and practices in iigo are considered as a dominant
feature in the lives of Gikfiyfi Christians. The Church ought to use other
approaches such inculturation of Gospel into the beliefs and practice in iigo to
address Christian dualism without compromising Christian teachings.
(Hi) Detection of Christians who consult Ago by the Church leadership
The study further investigated how the Church leadership detects those who
consult Ago. Their responses are shown in Table 4.7:
211
Table 4.7: Frequency distribution on detection of Christians who consult Ago
by Church leadership
Source of information Frequency (N=12) 0/0 **
Informed by other Christians 10 85%
Confession during counseling 7 60%
business rivals or competitors 5 40%
**Multiple responses were allowed
The results in Table 4.7 reveal that (85%) of Church leaders are able to detect
Christians who consult Ago from information provided to them by other
Christians. Others identify them during counselling sessions (60%) where they-
confess the "vice" while 40% such information is through errant's' rivals. This
implies that there is free flow of information oscillating from Church members to
leaders. Unfortunately, despite this knowledge, the Church has not taken further
steps to liberate members from syncreatising Christianity and iigo, a grave
oversight by the Church. It indicates that the failure to equip Gikiiyfi Christians
with concrete roots in Christianity has led to dualism, which has failed not only
the Church, but also Gikfiyfi Christians. In conclusion, it is paramount, for the
Church to recognize African spirituality as manifested in iigo beliefs and practices
as preparatio evangelica in order to liberate its members from syncretism.
212
(iv) PCEA Policy on Inculturation
The study further sought to establish from Church leadership if the PCEA has a
policy on inculturation. It was observed that the PCEA policy on inculturation is
rooted in the premise of the latent presence of Christ in the culture in question
(preparatio evangelicay", which entails raising His presence to the surface. At
this juncture is good to note that the relationship between the African religion and
Christianity has created fierce theological heat among scholars. While some lean
heavily towards a separation of the African religion and Christianity, others call
for a dialogue between them. However, the key problem has been how to take
seriously the divine imprints that are manifested in the African religion and the
command of Jesus to his disciples to go all over the world and make disciples. It
is in view of the above that the PCEA has come up with inculturation policy.
"In the last twenty years, the PCEA has developed a framework that attempts to
understand and view culture as a gift of God's grace in creation and revelation in
order to tap Christ's presence" (Kihumba 0.1,2010). Mercy (0.1, 2010) noted that
at the first General Administrative Committee (GAC) of the Eleventh General
Assembly (GA) of 2001, the PCEA took a decisive step towards inculturation.
For the first time, it acknowledged the importance of indigenous cultural elements
as inherently "good" and "worth" to assimilate.
28 In this context there two groups of scholars, the first like Mbiti (1969) and Idowu (1963) see
radical continuity between the Christianity and African culture, a view that has been adopted by
PCEA.The second, such as Kato (1975 ) and lIogu (1974) favor a radical discontinuity between
African religion and Christianity.
213
According to Muindi (0.1, 2010), the policy on inculturation exemplified the
penultimate underlying principles that were to guide the process of inculturation.
The process, as Muindi (ibid) notes, was broken down into three critical steps.
First, Church members should examine and evaluate how indigenous cultural
elements to be inculturated were understood in indigenous communities. To help
Christians examine their cultural practices, the PCEA Theological panel on
doctrinal affairs should facilitate the process. Second, the Bible's view on cultural
element under discussion should be examined. In this, the panel must guide on
how to evaluate relevant scriptures related to the element exegetically and
hermeneutically. This is a critical and discernment step because unless the
Biblical view is understood correctly, there can be a danger of syncretism.
Finally, church members should examine their indigenous cultural element in
light of their newly gained Biblical understanding, and decide how to inculturate
it to church rituals.
By adopting this policy, the Church has recognized that inculturation can be
enrichment to the Gospel, since it brings to light aspects of truths of her members'
cultures which may have remained hidden by Church policies that were set by
missionaries. Missionaries used the policy of radical replacement of African
cultures, instead of a model of continuity, which is in essence a better option of
inculturation. The PCEA policy on inculturation thus can facilitate evangelism
and bring the Gospel to reality in relation to the African context. To this end,
214
those cultural practices that have been ignored can be carefully examined and
utilized to enrich Christianity, leading to wholistic living.
In lieu of the above, the Church has seen it necessary to incorporate in its calendar
of events the communities' rites of passage (referred to as ROPES) whereby
young boys and girls are initiated and incorporated into their respective societies.
This is an opportunity for young Christians to learn the importance of being the
"body of Christ" and at the same time uphold values that transcend their cultural
heritage. In communities that upheld the traditional circumcision rite, young boys
and girls are today gathered in boarding facilities for a number of days for the rite.
Whilst boys receive the cut, most teachings are in line with indigenous knowledge
of transmission of boys and girls to manhood and womanhood respectively, and
in addition, Christian values and life skills necessary in the contemporary
. 29setting .
(v) Respondents' awareness of the PCEA Policy on Inculturation
The respondents (ordinary Church members) were asked whether they were aware
of the PCEA policy on inculturation. Table 4:8 presents the results:
29 For ten years running, members of Presbyterian Church Men Fellowship (PCMF) and PCEA
Woman's Guild in Nyeri Presbytery have organized Christian initiation programmes that run in
December at Dr. Kamundia high school. The aim has been to bring together young boys and girls
in the Presbytery, circumcise the boys and teach all key life skills among them Christian virtues,
respect for one another and responsible, sexuality amidst avoidance of HIV/AIDS.
215
Table 4:8: Frequency distribution of respondents who were aware of PCEA
policy on inculturation
benefited Frequency Percent
Yes 221 70.5
No 80 25.4
No comment 13 4.1
Total 314 100.0
Table 4.8 shows that 70.5% of ordinary Church members exhibited knowledge of
the policy as opposed to only 25.4% who were unaware of it, while 4.1% did not
respond. The results show that there is comparatively a high proportion of
Christians with adequate knowledge on the PCEA inculturation policy. Those
who responded in the affirmative were further asked to indicate their source of
information. The results are shown in Table 4.9 below:
216
Table 4:9: Frequency distribution of respondent source of information on
PCEA inculturation policy
Source of information Frequency 0/0 **
N=221
Through Church Seminars 174 78.9
Through Preachers 133 60.2
From General Assembly or General Adminstrive 79 35.8
Committees' circulars to congregations
PCEA "Jitegemea" magazines 21 9.7
Others 14 6.5
**Muitiple responses were allowed
The results on Table 4.9 above reveal that of those respondents who knew of
PCEA policy on inculturation (N=221) a higher number (78.9%) said that their
source of information were Church seminars. One hundred and thirty three
respondents (60.2%) indicated preaching as the source, while 35.8% claimed their
source of information was through General Assembly or General Administration
Committee's circulars to congregation. Twenty-one respondents (9.7) gave PCEA
Jitegemea magazine as their source of information and 6.5% indicated other
sources.
217
These findings suggest that the level of awareness of the policy on inculturation
by ordinary Christians could be the key to successful inculturation given that the
process needs to be people-driven. As such, it needs the participation of all
Christians on what cultural elements should be inculturated and what should not.
In view of the above results, this study submits that PCEA continue to
disseminate information on the inculturation policy to members through seminars,
sermons, magazines, workshops and retreats in order to sensitize its members on
its importance. It is only when the members are fully involved that they will
appreciate inculturation process, which would be for their own good. This would
enhance their faith, an act that would target their spiritual and cultural needs. All
these should be aimed at bringing dialogue between Christianity and Gikfiyti
culture in order to bridge duality, leading to wholistic Christian living
(vi) Factors that Hinder Christianity being Inculturation in beliefs and
practices in ago
The study sought to investigate the factors that hinder Christianity inculturated in
iigo beliefs and practices despite the knowledge of the PCEA policy on
inculturation. The results are presented in Table 4:10 below
218
Table 4:10: Frequency distribution of factors that hinder inculturation of
beliefs and practices in ago
Factors Frequency 010**
N=221
Inherent wrong interpretations of iigo, e.g. 143 64.7
regarding it as witchcraft and sorcery
Fear of syncretism 133 60.2
ago steeped in evil practices 97 43.8
ago seen as a form of superstition 37 16.7
Others 37 16.7
**Multiple responses were allowed
The results in Table 4.10 reveal that a large number ofPCEA Christians (64.7% )
have inherent meanings, albeit wrong that they associate with iigo. Among these
are equating it with witchcraft and sorcery. This observation, especially from the
respondents' point of view is the greatest impediment to inculturation. The fear of
syncretism was cited by 60.2% of the respondents. Other reasons that curtail
inculturation include: iigo being considered as rooted in evil (27.1%), fear of
resurrecting an outdated anti- Christian culture (14.2%) and Ago being seen as
liars (8.3%). The study notes that the negative connotations associated with iigo
beliefs and practices are as a result of false assumptions and teachings by the
CSM missionaries, who literally demonized everything African.
219
As a result, wrong meanmgs and definitions of beliefs and practices in ago
continue to feature prominently in contemporary Christianity, thereby inhibiting
inculturation. A serious implication of missionary Christianity is that many
Church leaders have continued to see Christianity as an enemy of beliefs and
practices in ago. In addition, the effect of anti- ago worldview resulted to dual
religious minds among many Gikiiyii Christians. As such, the Church must find
ways and means of eliminating duality, which can only be through inculturating
Christianity in beliefs and practices in ago. The ultimate aim of this is to help
Gikilyii PCEA Christians internalize both the relevance and adequacy of
Christianity within their context. This in turn would enable Gikfiyii PCEA
Christians place their confidence in Christ only, for all their existential and
spiritual needs.
(x) Inculturating Christianity in Beliefs and Practices in Ugo
The study further sought to investigate the possibility of inculturating Christianity
to beliefs and practices in ago themes. Views were sought from pastors, elders
and ordinary Church members. The results are presented in Table 4.11 below:
220
Table 4.11: Frequency distribution of themes in beliefs and practices in iigo
Themes Frequency 0/0**
N=326
Indigenous Healing 212 65.1
Purification 177 54.4
Exorcism 151 46.1
Others 43 13.4
**Multiple respondents were allowed
Interestingly, respondents among them pastors, elders and laity were of the view
that beliefs and practices in iigo embody the ministry of Christ. Majorities saw
them as preparatio evangelica, in other words, as legitimate preparation for the
Gospel of Christ and would make a cogent and important contribution to African
Theology. The findings in Table 4.17 above reveal that 65.1% of respondents
isolated healing as the most desired theme. Other themes included purification
(54.4), exorcism (46.1%) and others (13.4%) respectively. The study sought to
understand the rationale behind such views. The results are given below.
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Table 4.12: Frequency distribution of factor influencing indigenous healing
practices
Nature of influence Frequency 0/0**
(N=212)
Physical and Spiritual Healing service 154 72.8
Provision of protective medicine 112 53.1
Medicines to enhance fertility to land, livestock 70 33.1
and people
Others 39 18.2
**Multiple respondents allowed
Table 4.12 shows that 72.8% respondents favour healing practices in iigo as a
possible inculturation strategy since indigenous healing involves physical and
spiritual aspects. 53.1% cited protective medicine, 33.2% said that it provides
medicine to enhance productivity to people, land and livestock, while 18.2% cited
other reasons. These findings support Kolie's observation (1992) that diseases and
healing are the first concern to African peoples. These views stem from the
traditional Gikiiyii worldview, which see diseases and misfortunes as having a
physical and mystical dimension. Healing is also mediated in a wholistic manner
that addresses these two aspects and Ago, according to this approach, may be a
good source of cure. Consequently, the study concludes that Gikfiyfi traditional
worldview on diseases and illness has lingered among Gikfiyii PCEA Christians
despite Christian evangelization and consequent conversion. This mind frame has
created religious dualism as Christians attempt to adhere to the faith and at the
222
same time to iigo's worldview in dealing with illnesses and healing. This aspect
has been articulated by Tutu (1987: 47) who notes:
The fact is that up to fairly recently, the African Christian has
suffered from a form of religious schizophrenia. With part of him
he has been compelled first to play lip service to Christianity as
understood, expressed and preached by the white man. But with an
ever greater part of himself, a part he has been ashamed to
acknowledge openly and which he has struggled to repress, he has
felt that his African-ness has been violated. The white man's
largely cerebral religion was hardly touching the depths of his
African soul; he was being given answers, and often splendid
answers to questions he had not asked.
The study submits that many Giktiyii PCEA Christians live on untransformed
religious worldview, where they see the world through Christian eyes and at the
same time interpret health, illness and healing according to their indigenous
worldview.
Table 4.13: Frequency distribution of factor influencing ritual cleansing
Nature of influence Frequency 0/0**
(N=177)
Purification of an individual when harm or 150 84.9
impurities have been contracted
Ritual purification protects a person or family 91 51.5
from ritual impurities
Ritual purification used to readmit into regular 25 14.4
society the cleansed person or persons
Others 19 10.6
** Multiple responses allowed
223
These findings show that (84.9%) of respondents consider ritual cleansing once
contaminated with harm or impurities (thahu) as 51.5% of the respondents said
they favor it as it protects them from thahu (ritual impurities). 14.4% of
respondents favoured ritual cleansing as it reinstated the affected back to the
community while 10.6% gave other reasons. The study observes that
understanding ritual purification is influenced by both Glkfiyfl religio-cultural
worldview and Judeo Christianity. From the Gikfiyii indigenous worldview, ritual
purification was aimed at rectifying various illnesses and misfortunes thereby
bringing to resolution and reconciliation either to an individual or family in
response to instructions given by Ago. As such, ritual purification has permeated
beyond Christian conversion. This state of affairs has resulted in less commitment
of Gikiiyfl Christians to their churches and at times revert back to ritual cleansing
to seek religious satisfaction that lacks in Mission Christianity. In conclusion, the
study observes that the Church should adjust its rituals to accommodate elements
of ritual purification that are in tandem with Biblical witness in order to make
Giktiyfi Christians engross wholistic Christian living.
224
Table 4.14: Frequency distribution of factors influencing the exorcism to be
inculturated into Christianity
Nature of influence Frequency 010**
N=43
Protection against evil spirits 28 65.1
Invoking spiritual world's favor 23 54.6
Vanquishing deadly regions of spiritual 20 46.4
forces
Others 11 26.3
**Multiple responses were allowed
The findings in Table 4.14 shows that majority of those who favored exorcism to
be inculturated into Christianity (65.1 %) considered ugo practices of protecting
people against gratuitous and maverick evil spirit as a core reason. 54.6%
favoured it in order to invoke the spiritual world to act in their favor while 46.4%
considered the practice of vanquishing deadly regions of spiritual forces that
constantly harass Christians and entangle them in great pain. These findings are
derived from the Gikfiyii traditional as well as the Judeo-Christianity worldviews.
To the Gikfiyfi, every phenomenon in the human world was as a result of an
action or decision made by some spiritual beings. As noted, this mind set has
permeated into Christianity promoting many Christians to interpret daily
occurrences III their lives from a spirits-human interrelation perspective.
225
Observably, on the other hand, Gikiiyii Christians have been influenced by the NT
religiosity in which, belief in demons and unseen supernatural powers is inherent.
Jesus after all, exorcised many and literally gave powers to His disciples to do the
same.
This state of affairs is underpinned in two beliefs; first, by usmg the right
technique, appropriate power and approach, human beings can transform or
confuse evil spirits, thereby make them favorable, or at least stop them from
causing illness and misfortunes (Kenyatta, 1938). Second is the belief that, most
effective and safe way to deal with evil spirits is to confront them by rebuking,
binding and exorcising them (Ezigbo, 2008). The study observed that both beliefs
have informed Gikiiyii PCEA Christians' attitudes toward evil spirits. These
findings correspond with Abogunrin (1991) assertion that the African worldview
is similar to Biblical one, in particular the first-century Palestine in which Jesus
lived and ministered. This was also a world where people would be possessed by
evil spirits and other kinds of demons that were often seen as causes of physical
and spiritual diseases. These findings corroborate Okorocha's (1992) who
observes that Africans see life as a recurring battlefield between evil and good
forces, a view that compares with Domingues (1999) who notes that Africans
believe their cosmos to be populated by malevolent spirits locked in a cosmic
battle at the center of which is humankind. These forces inflict sickness, death and .
all kinds of misfortunes. As such, any African theology that hopes to be relevant
226
to Gikfiyii Christians should neither overlook nor underestimate iigo beliefs and
practices.
4.2.6: Conclusion
To conclude this sub-section, it is important to emphasize that nussionanes
displayed negative attitude toward the office and practices iigo. Ago were
branded as agent of Satan and their practices were described as "paganism",
"primitive", "devilish", and "superstitions" and therefore unfit for inculturation.
This negative attitude shaped the strategy that the missionaries adopted in their
evangelization methods of Gikiiyti. In order for one to become a convert, he/she
was required to abandon their cultural beliefs and iigo practices in favor of the
Scottish cultural lifestyle. Thus, this approach had negative effects on the converts
for it inevitably exemplified an identity crises through "imported form of
Christianity". When in crisises, converts reverted in beliefs and practices in iigo.
This occurred largely due to the ineffectiveness of contemporary medicine and
mission Christianity in diagnosing and prescribing remedies for some cultural
psychological problem.
It was noted that many Gikfiyii Christians live on untransformed indigenous
worldview. They are yet to come to position where they see the world through
Christ and interpret it according to Him. Rather than see the diseases and
misfortunes through Christianity, they persist to see it through the beliefs and
227
practices of iigo. Therefore, the study confirms our third premises that Gikiiyfl
Presbyterians Christians are vulnerable to beliefs and practices in iigo despite
Christian evangelization. It was established that the PCEA church has set up
Theological panel on doctrinal affairs to guide the church on inculturation and
other theological issues. The study observed that on inculturation, the panel has
laid down three critical steps to be followed namely; evaluation of the cultural
element, Biblical analysis of the issue at hand and the analysis of the same by
church members and finally adoption of the cultural practice.
This is a good development since the Church has corne to a realization that the
cultures of its members are legitimate preparation for the Gospel of Christ, and
they can make a cogent and important contribution to inculturation. The study
also confirmed that Christianity has not been inculturated in beliefs and practices
in iigo because of wrong connotations and denotations of the term Ago, and fear
of introducing syncretistic practices in Christianity. Regarding integrating
Christianity in beliefs and practices in iigo, the study identified three themes
which were ranked most highly as: - healing, ritual purification and exorcism in
that order.
228
SECTION III
An Inculturated Understanding of Beliefs and Practices in Ugo
from a Christian Perspective
4.3 Meaning and Importance of Inculturation
While considering the concept of 'inculturation", the terms "adaptation"
"accommodation", "indigenization" and "contextualization" are III some
instances used interchangeably with "inculturation'r'" (Oyama 1999). Van der
Merwe (1996:671) and Nasimiyu (1986:96-122) note that notions of these terms
evolved in the concepts of 'Gospel' translation amongst peoples and cultures of
the "Third World". As Nasimiyu (ibid) and Kiaziku (1999) point out, despite
positive reflections on some aspects of these terms, they gradually gave way to
the term that was becoming more and more accepted; 'inculturation'. Waliggo
(1986) states that 'inculturation' has become an important missiological concept
within the Christian Church. 'Inculturation' is the process by which the Christian
Gospel infuses itself into a new culture, transforming it on some levels and, at the
same time, taking on, the unique characteristics and concerns of that culture. The
30 Schineller (1990) mentions that these terms resurfaced within the context of an ongoing
endeavour to evangelize across different cultural settings of the third world. However due to the
limited scope of this thesis, we will not deal with these concepts. A more detailed study of these
concepts can be found in the works of scholars such as Shorter (1974), Buswell (1978), Nasimiyu
(1986) and Nyoyoko (2004).
229
objective of "inculturation" is to enable the Gospel message to be readily
understood, accepted and lived out in the thought-forms of culture as is expressed
in local idioms, language and imagery (Kiaziku, 2009). As a result, diversity is
unavoidable because the "inculturation" of one Gospel in numerous cultures gives
rise to plurality.
As Shorter (1989: 67) explains, "inculturation implies that the Christian message
transforms a culture. It is also the case that Christianity is transformed by culture,
not in a way that falsifies the message, but in a way in which the message is
formulated and interpreted anew". Through this process, the Christian experience
is transformed from the status of a "foreign religion to one incarnated into the
local culture (Stanton, 2004).
Waliggo (1986: 9) defines "inculturation" as; "the honest and serious attempt to
make Christ and his message of salvation evermore understood by people of every
culture, locality and time". Shorter also cites another and may be perhaps a
deeper meaning of "inculturation" in practical terms (1974:69) as follows: -
What really happens is that Christianity in one cultural dress
encounters a non- Christian culture, and then tries to incarnate
itself in the new culture. In doing this it challenges and transforms
the culture. Two processes are involved; the "undressing" of
Christianity from the foreign culture, and the "dressing" of
Christianity in the indigenous, culture. These processes; however
are simultaneous since, Christianity cannot exist without some
dress or other. You cannot have a culturally naked Christianity"
230
Colloborating this VIew, Arrupe " (1978) describes "inculturation" as an
incarnation of Christian life and message in a particular cultural context. The
"incarnation" of the Christian message happens in such a way that the experience
finds expression through elements particular to the culture in question and
becomes a principle that animates, directs and unifies it by transforming it into a
"new creation". In other words, as Kiaziku (2009: 54) points out, "Arrupe's
definition highlights the dynamic dialogue and interaction between the Christian
faith and culture".
Nissen (2004), also argues that "Inculturation" is a kind of ongoing "incarnation"
just as Christ chose to live in a particular time, culture and setting, so must the
Gospel be "incarnated" in the contexts of all communities in the world. In this
approach, it is not so much a case of the Church being expanded. Rather, it is one
of being born a new in each new context and culture (Mondithaka 2007).
Kiaziku (2009) remarks that while "inculturation" is founded on the mystery of
the "incarnation", it also implies that God is the originator of Missions (Mission
Dei). Christ was sent by God to the world where he assumed a human form
thereby adopting a human culture in order to reach humankind with his message
(Dom Nwachukwu 2000). As shorter (1988) points out, Christ accepted the
dynamics of cultural exchange as a consequence of his own "inculturation" and as
31 Pedro Arrupe, S.J., "Letter to the Whole Society on Inculturation" In Studies in the
International Apostolate of Jesuits( Washington: Jesuit Missions, June, 1978)
231
it were, encouraged the Church to follow his example. The Church received from
Him the command to "go to all Nations and make disciples" (Mathew 28:19).
This is a universal Mission. The Church, therefore, must put into effect its
Catholic character by following the steps of Jesus, that is "self-emptying
incarnation" to the very end (Phil. 2:7-8). All this is achieved through the help of
the Holy Spirit, the Paraclete, promised by Jesus as a guide for His Church.
Described thus, incarnational model has two prongs; embodiment and confrontation
of the local culture that Gospel is incarnated. As far as the Gospel is clothed in
cultural images, language and concepts which its people readily identify, the
embodiment process is at work. Further, the Gospel also confronts some cultural
elements in local culture incompatible with its super cultural truth in order to
transform the culture. Second, inculturation should also embrace the reconstruction
paradigm. According to Mugambi (1995), reconstructive motif includes personal,
cultural and ecclesiastical reconstruction.
This motif construes Jesus as the one that has come not to destroy the African
peoples' identity, culture and ecclesiastical formation, but to reconstruct them. As a
result, inculturation must be done in a way that befits the cultural, religious and social
needs of the African people. The reconstruction paradigm of inculturation according
to Ryan (2009: 59), can help to bring out "aspects of the Gospel that were previously
undiscovered, undeveloped, hidden or simply abandoned" in the mission
232
Christianity. This aspect brings mutual enrichment of the culture and the Gospel, and
consequently overcome dualism, so as to give the PCEA Gfkiiyii Christian
wholesome living.
One final observation of the inculturation process, is how the implantation of the
Christian message is related to the conceptual framework. According to Niebuhr's
(1951) missiological model, and especially "the Christ of culture motif', the
theory of inculturation presented here is a process of introducing the Christian
Gospel to new cultures, without the insidious notions of superiority, often
associated with the missionary Christianity. Through this process, converts are
able to experience the Christian faith in relevant and culturally specific ways. The
investigation of the meaning of "inculturation" and its cognitive terms gives
clarity to our proposed inculturation process of beliefs and practices in iigo
according to the study's conceptual framework.
4.3.2: Necessity for Inculturation
For too long, mainline churches+ III Africa have been speaking a "foreign
language" in their effort to evangelize. As observed, their creeds, liturgy, hymns,
worship, ways of life, witness, thought forms and theology have a Western
orientation. In addition, clerical robes, Christian rituals and symbols are alien to
32 Mainline churches are those denominations which were established in Africa by western
missionaries in the ninenth and part of twentieth centuries such as Roman Catholic, Anglican and
Presbyterian.
233
Africans. A good example is the element which many African churches use when
they celebrate Holy Communion. In Western Christianity, wine signifies the
blood of Jesus. Missionaries did not encourage the use of traditional brew, such as
miiratina (Gikiiyfi traditional beer) which they labeled as sinful, in the cerebration
of the Lord's Supper. Instead, they imposed some Western brands of altar wine on
African Christians. The PCEA is no exception, for over 100 years, it has never
used African brew and food stuffs to replace bread and wine during Communion
while African Instituted Churches like the Kimbanguist church of Democratic
Republic of Congo has done (Hastings, 1994). This is due to the fact that
Christianity in mainline churches is still lived and conceptualized in Western
mindset despite a denomination like PCEA having an inculturation policy. For
Christianity to be relevant to the Africans, it must "speak" the idioms and use
symbols and materials of their cultures in order to share "the Good News".
According to Arbuckle (1990: 26-45), for inculturation to have a meaning, it must
use their symbols since they are nothing but signs of communication.
From the observations above, it can logically be concluded that inculturation is an
essential tool of mission engagement and unless the Gospel is reincarnated in
cultural context, it will not be seen and experienced as "Good News" by Gikfiyii
PCEA Christians. For example, the study notes, inculturating Christianity in
beliefs and practices in iigo has an important implication for incarnation and
indigenizing principle of transformation, that is, applying God's truth in a
234
culturally relevant and sensitive manner without compromising the supracultural
truths of the Gospel. By introducing Christ as the fulfiller of beliefs and practices
in iigo, Gikfiyfi Christians would move from the unknown to known in their
faith's journey.
4.3.3: Biblical Basis for Inculturation
Inculturation is a very old subject, probably as old as the Bible itself (Waliggo,
1986). From the beginning, the Biblical message has been expressed in cultural
idioms, first, in Jewish and second, in Greek languages (Chepkwony 2005). God
has always spoken to people through their contemporary cultures. Properly
understood, the Bible is thus a record of inculturated revelation of the way God
interacted with humans in space, time and history in the totality of their own
cultural milieu (Musasiwa 2007).
Biblical characters understood God's message in their own cultural context, and
shared and passed it in their particular local idiom. In this regard, Waliggo
(1986:20) postulates that the OT formed the Israelites into the nation of God for it
incarnated their worldview, aspirations, histories and culture. Further, the OT
"was expressed in words, similes, symbols and proverbs that people understood.
It was not a mere sacred book to show them the way of life to be lived but part of
their culture" (ibid). In any case, language is the collective bank of people's
culture (Wa Thiong'o, 1991).
235
In the OT, God used cultural images, language and concepts as He spoke through
the Prophets. Expressions of the OT are thus culturally oriented and familiar to
the people of their time. In the NT, the parables of Jesus are simply truths about
the "Kingdom of God" as narrated in the cultural language and mindset of His
time. Further, the "Kingdom of God" was a potent idea for Jews who expressed
their belief that their real King was God. The expression "Kingdom of God" also
fuelled Jews' expectation that one day God would come to deliver His people
from alien rule and establish them again as the Lord's chosen people. The stories,
figures of speech, words and analogies that Jesus used in different contexts were
particular to those contexts and immediately resonated with his listeners
(Mondithoka, 2006). By speaking then, Jesus was inculturating the supra-cultural
truths about God, giving them meanings, life and reality.
The apostles, particularly Peter, James and Paul recognized the importance of
inculturation, albeit in a difficult way. Their experience and efforts recorded in
Acts 10-11, 15 demonstrate how such challenge was resolved. According to the
narrative, the crisis was precipitated by believers who came from Jerusalem to
Antioch in Syria- and taught that gentiles were to be circumcised in order to be
admitted into the Church (Acts 15:24). As a result, Paul and Barnabas were
appointed to go to Jerusalem to discuss the matter with the apostles (Acts 15:2-4).
The events culminated in a Council of Jerusalem and the nature and occasion of
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this meeting was to determine whether Gentiles converts were to be circumcised
like their Jewish counterparts in order to identify with Christianity. After
considerable debate, it was concluded that Gentiles need not follow the customs
common to Jewish Christians in order to join the community of Faith. The
conclusion seems to suggest that the Gospel must be inculturated into any culture
it comes into contact with as it spreads to non-Christian across the world.
In line with this principle, the early Christians transposed from the Hebrew
religion, the "temple imagery" and gave some of its feasts and festivals new
names and significance such as "Passover" and "Pentecost". Similarly, the
apostles spoke in familiar Jewish categories as they inculturated the Gospel of
Jesus Christ. In addition, Paul used Greek imagery when he preached the Gospel
in a Hellenist context such as "fighting a good fight", "running the race" and
"winning the crown which does not fade away" to express the Christian life as
"pilgrim to heaven". Such images powerfully communicated the supra-cultural
truths of the Gospel that Paul wanted to convey. To the Greek audience, he
inculturated and reinterpreted concepts such as "covenant" and "circumcision"
according to their cultural milieu (Turaki, 1999, Bediako, 1992, 1995). Such a
process of inculturation by a host culture that brings to light new meanings has
always been considered a natural and necessary process of the Gospel (Waliggo,
1986). According to Niebuhr's (1951) model of "Christ of culture", the Christian
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message is translatable. As a result of this fundamental characteristic, Bediako
(1995:119) states:
It is possible to say that the earlier concern to seek an
"indigenization" of Christianity in Africa, as though one were
dealing with an essentially "western" and foreign" religion was, in
effect, misguided because the task was conceived as the correlation
of two entities thought to be unrelated. Such an effort was bound to
lead to a dead end... precisely because it fastened too intently on the
"foreignness" of the western modes of the transmission of the Faith,
and correspondingly paid too little attention to actual achievement
"on the ground".
There is therefore, no culturally neutral form of the Gospel as both Newbigin
(1995) and Walls (1976) point. Further, numerous scholars (Bediako 1995;
Shorter, 1994; Nasimiyu, 1986 and Waliggo, 1986) have indicated that
missionaries thought that their Western oriented Christianity had not only supra-
truths but also supra-cultural elements to be transmitted to the Africans. However,
as shown earlier, western understanding of certain components of; "rationalism",
"individualism", "mannerism", "materialism", "forms of prayer" and "praise"
was already inculturated. This is to say that the Gospel was already inculturated
to the Enlightenment principle long before it came to Africa. As a result, it was
exported and transplanted, with little effort to inculturate it to the African way of
life. This is what Mondithoka (2007) calls "a cultural imposition" and which
made it difficult for the first generation Christians to inculturate the Gospel.
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With this in mind, the inculturation process suggested in this study incarnates the
Gospel into Gikiiyu culture and at the same time facilities its transformation in
bridging religious dualism. On the basis of Niebuhr's theory, the study develops
an inculturation paradigm theory that follows three stages. Stage one consists of a
critical evaluation of the cultural element of beliefs and practices in iigo to be
inculturated on the basis of Biblical teachings. The second, is a descriptive
analysis of the core ingredients of the cultural theme of the beliefs and practices in
iigo as is understood in the Gikiiyii culture. The third deals with the actual
method of integrating and replacing or rejecting any iigo theme.
The integration process helps to recognize the missioner's culture and supra-
cultural components of the Gospel acknowledged in OT and NT as universal
truths. The supra-cultural components without being distorted are extracted from
the missioner's culture. The extracted supra-cultural are then integrated with
indigenous culture. The replacing process involves substituting the indigenous
element with Christian rituals while integrating supra-cultural elements they both
share, expressed in cultural images, concepts and figures of speech. The rejection
indicates that the cultural element is not compatible with the Gospel and thus it is
eliminated without purification. In the three approaches, there is transformation
and enrichment of both Gospel and culture. Similarly, when a culture receives
supra-cultural components, it provides the Gospel with a local base since
Christianity, as Shorter (1974) indicates, cannot remain without a cultural dress.
-
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The study employs this procedure in inculturating the ritual of Baptism into the
GIkilyii ritual purification. It also inculturates contemporary healing into Gikiiyfi
indigenous treatment system, both serving as examples of replacement and
integration methods. These serve as an illustration in the application of the
inculturation theory among the Gikiiyti. The same procedure can be used in
inculturating the Gospel in other Gikfiyiicultural elements such as exorcism. This
study confirms our fourth premise that there are strategies the PCEA Church can
put in place to inculturate Christianity into beliefs and practices in iigo.
4.3.4: Inculturating Christian Baptism and Contemporary Healing into
Gikuyu Indigenous Ritual of Purification and Healing
To respond to the above challenge, the study raised several questions. Among
them, how should the Church make the Gospel accessible to people whose
worldview and culture implies opposing principles and values? How does one
reach a people entrenched in their thought systems without compromising the
basic principles of the Gospel? In some ways, the study noted that the PCEA
leaders and laity in the study area have wrestled with these questions, albeit
through different approaches. Notably, the PCEA church has not provided
concrete answers to these questions, and consequently, members tend to oscillate
between Christianity and iigo, a move that resorts to religious dualism. The
inculturational paradigm theory proposes a remedial measure to the dualistic
tendencies among Gikfiyfi PCEA Christians. In inculturating Christian baptism
240
rite into Gikiiyii ritual purification, the study adopts the three tier theory discussed
above.
As observed earlier, within iigo beliefs and practices, ritual purification was
ranked second to be inculturated. Consequently, the study has chosen it as an
example to illustrate how inculturation process can be done through a replacement
method. This is in line with Burke's (2001: 193) recommendation that
inculturation starts from the bottom up, whereby people produce cultural raw
material, while the theologians produce doctrinal material. By so doing,
Christianity is expressed in analogies, concepts and language from a people's
culture.
4.3.4.1: Inculturating Christian Baptism into Gikiiyii Purification
Rites
(A) Theological Evaluation of Ritual Purification
(i) Ritual Purification in the OT
The OT refers to acts of purification involving water as an expression of cleansing
from pollution and guilt of sin (Ex. 19: 14). The law prescribed persons deemed to
be unclean to bathe (Lv. 14: 8-9 and Lv. 15). For example, Aaron and his sons
bathed at their ordination to priesthood (Lv. 8: 5-6) and on the Day of
Atonement, Aaron had to bathe himself on entering the most Holy Place, as well
as when leaving (Lv. 16: 3-4). The person who released the scapegoat in the
desert, similarly had to bathe and bum his clothes (Lv. 16: 26-28). Such ritual
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acts led to a symbolic moral cleansing. Flemington (2000: 3) explains this by
observing that:
The Jews made frequent use of water for the purposes of religious
purification ... in so far as the object was explicit; this "washing"
seems to have aimed at what we should term a ritual rather than a
moral purification. The purpose was to recover the Levitical
purity without which a share in worship was forbidden.
[However] ... certain ... passages, especially in the prophets,
, suggest that sometimes at least those acts of lustration were
interpreted as in some way morally significant: Isaiah 1: 16;
"Wash yourselves, make yourselves clean, remove the evil of
your doings from before my eyes, cease to do evil. Learn to do
good... "Ezek 36: 25f; "I will sprinkle clean water upon you and
you shall be clean from all your uncleanliness, and from all your
idols, I will cleanse you. A new heart I will give you, and new
spirit I will put within you, and I will take out of your flesh the
heart of stone and give you a heart of flesh" Psalms 51: 7; "Purge
me with hyssop and I shall be clean wash me and I shall be whiter
than snow".
The symbolic act of using water for washing can be seen as symbolizing moral
cleansing used by Jews who incorporated this connotation into the idea of the
New Covenant relation. They used proselytes baptism as a rite of initiation and
ritual bath as reflected in the practices of the Qumran sect. The proselytes,
according to Flemington (2000:19), were God- fearing Gentiles who desired to
come into religious fellowship with- the Israelites. Jewish morality and
monotheism appealed strongly to many Gentiles who therefore desired to come
into a covenant relationship with God. They had to recant their pagan rituals and
embrace the Jewish religio-cultural system, and in most cases, but not all, be
242
circumcised, a sign of God's covenant with Abraham (Gen 17: 9). Proselytes,
through baptism, were initiated into Judaism.
Children of proselytes below age thirteen for boys and twelve for girls, and born
before the rite was administered, were also baptized at the request of their father,
but if they were above age, only at their own request. Children born after their
parents baptism were accounted as clean and therefore, did not require it.
Proselytes baptism by immersion in water (either in a river or in a baptismal font)
symbolized cleansing from a past world of and that also renounced pagan life. It
served as a rite of entry to Judaism (Beasley- Murray, 2000:19). The study infers
that this baptism was also a form of ritual cleansing, similar in nature to the
purification rites of other communities in the world.
Prior to the Christian era, a kind of purification movement took place in the
Jordan valley, the most notable instance being the monastic community of
Qumrarr". Berkhof (1994) thinks that this community had its origin among priests
who rejected Temple worship, perceiving it as corrupt, and members emphasized
maintenance of ritual purity through daily baths accompanied by repentance. This
33 Qumran community dated between 140 BC to AD 67. The members were almost all males,
although the dead Sea scrolls contain provisions for the admission of women and children. The
number of people living there at any given time numbered two hundred to four hundred. The
community devoted itself to the reading of the scripture. The live of the community was ascetic,
and their practices included ritual bath. See also, Douglas J.D, Merrill C. T, et all., eds. 1986. New
International Bible Dictionary. Grand Rapids. Zondervan. Pg 260-263.
243
community structured its organization around ritual washing and ceremonial
purity.
Three observations arise from the above discussion regarding ritual purification in
the ~T. First, belief in ritual purification using water as a cleansing agent was an
integral part of OT religiosity. Second, Proselyte baptism was used as an
initiation act for those Gentiles attracted to Jewish morality and monotheism as a
means of incorporation to the community. Finally, by implication, both Jewish's
ritual of purification and proselyte baptism were to remove a ceremonial
defilement, and to restore a person to his/her normal position within the ranks of
the Community.
(ii) Ritual Purification in the NT
In the NT, John the Baptist replaced ritual purification with water baptism. As
noted earlier, Jews were already familiar with repeated ritual purification rites,
and demanded a once for all ritual to be administered only to Gentile converts.
Following this tradition, John infused into the ritual act of initiation and
purification an ethical quality lacking in baptism. John however, took the
unprecedented step demanding a once for all baptism even for the Jews (Mat 3:
Iff. Mk 1. 4ff. Luke 3: Iff. and John 1: 29ff.).
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Lambert (2000) posits that whatever historical relation there may have existed
between the two (John's baptism and Prostate's baptism), it is quite evident that,
the former was loaded with new and more spiritual meanings. Its significance is
made clear in Mark 1: 4 and Luke 3: 3, which see it as a baptism of repentance for
the forgiveness of sins, and that which expresses repentance on the part of the one
baptized and an assurance of forgiveness. It also prepared the way for the coming
of Jesus, John's successor, who would baptize not just with water, but also with
the Holy Spirit and fire (Mt 3: 11, Luke 3: 16) thereby inaugurating the
"Kingdom of God" on earth. However, John's baptism was limited in that it was
intended for Jews only and excluded other nations of the world. It was
nevertheless, only a transitory baptism of repentance, preparatory and
identification.
Jesus took up this rite and gave it not only a new meaning but also universalism.
He authorized baptism on the part of the disciples at the beginning of his public
preaching ministry when John was still active (In. 3:22; 4:1). Jesus also spoke of
His mission as baptism, a drowning under waters of great anguish (Lk.12:S0) and
"Can you drink the cup I drink or be baptized with the baptism I am baptized
with?" (Matt 20; 22, Mark 10: 38). As the risen Lord, He sent out the Church to
make disciples and to baptize all such in the triune name of the Father and of the
Son and of the Holy Spirit (Mat 28.19-20). By so doing, He gave baptism the
245
universalism that was lacking in John's. This new meaning and efficacy can be
understood only in the light of Christ's redemptive death and resurrection.
Baptism in the NT is therefore a confession of faith in Christ (Rom. 6:3-4; I
Pet.3:21), associated with public acknowledgment of Jesus Christ as Lord and
Savior (Acts 2:38; 10:48; 8:16). It is also an experience of communion with Christ
(Co1.2:12). Through it, the candidate is linked by faith with the Lord in whose
name he or she is baptized so as to enter in some sense into the very death and
resurrection of Christ (Rom. 6:3-5). Further, Baptism is a dedication to live for
Christ (Rom.6:4-21). Sinful living, therefore, is seen as denial of Baptism. In
addition, Baptism is a promise of consummation through Christ (Rom. 6: 22)
which points to the candidate's great Gospel events of the past, and forwards
his/her share to the future consummation of the Kingdom of God ( Packer, 2004,
Hodgson & Robert, 1994).
To these meanings, Jesus added the promise of baptism with the spirit as the
means by which His redemptive work is applied to human beings (Matt 3: 11,
Mark 1:8, Luke 3: 16 and Acts 1: 4ft). Using the purificatory meaning found in
water baptism, Christ made spiritual baptism (by the Holy Spirit) synonymous
with the actual application of the virtues of His death and resurrection (Migliore,
2004 and Kelly, 1958). Spirit baptism, thus, gives the believer entry into the
righteousness of Christ through identification with him. Through Spirit baptism
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the redeemed sinner is incorporated into the spiritual body of Christ not merely as
an act of initiation, but as a state or condition of personal righteousness. Douglas
(ibid) therefore, concludes that Jesus' baptism is the only access to identification
with the redeeming Christ. Consequently, Beasley -Murray (1962) argues that
Paul in Romans 6: 3-5 relates the actual spiritual conditions of his readers to such
a participation in Jesus death and resurrection through spirit baptism.
This identification is not merely to the death of Christ in which one symbolically
has died for being a sinner, but to the resurrection of Christ, in which a believer
has found "newness of life". Spirit baptism is therefore an entry into the new life
in Christ - "a passage from the old creation into the new" (ibid: 346). This
involves not merely forgiveness of sins but also an impartation of the life and
righteousness of Christ to the believer (2 Peter 1: 4). The believer is in Christ, and
Christ is in him/her. Moreover, the identification effected through spirit baptism
cleanses the believer through the blood of Christ (Titus 3: 5-6), thereby
incorporating him/her into the latter's righteousness and an infusion of the same
into the former. This understanding remains the basis for baptism in the
contemporary Church. As such, baptism confers to a believer a higher
righteousness than ritual purification both in the OT and Gikfiyfi culture.
An examination of ritual cleansing within the Gikfiyil, in the light of Biblical
analysis leads to a variety of views. First, in both Gikiiyii and OT beliefs and
practices, ritual cleansing was a common feature and used water to remove
247
defilement. In both cases, the main purpose was to restore a person to his/her
normal position in the community, thereby maintaining individual and communal
integrity. Consequently, OT and Gikiiyfi worldview are in agreement on beliefs
and practices of ritual cleansing.
Second, in the inauguration of new dispensation, Jesus Christ replaced ritual
purification and John's baptism with Christian baptism for three reasons: first,
they both belonged to the old dispensation, and as such pointed forward to Him.
Second, they were intended for those wishing to join Judaism (Proselytes
baptism) and Jews only (John's baptism), and therefore represented the OT
particularism rather than NT universalism. Finally, since the Holy Spirit had not
yet been poured out in Pentecostal fullness, they were not yet accompanied with
as great measure of spiritual gifts as the later. As such, those who accept Christ by
faith are to be baptized by His divinely appointed followers in the name of triune
God, as a sign and seal of the fact that they enter into a new relationship with God
and are obliged to live according to the laws of His Kingdom (Mt 25: 29-30). This
means that they are bought under. the ministry of the Word, not merely as
proclamation of the Good News, but as an exposition of mysteries, privileges and
duties of the New Covenant (Berkhof 1994: 624).
(iii) Illustrative Analysis of Gikiiyii's Ritual Purification (Ndahikio)
248
Indigenous Gikfiyii believed in the purification ritual that brought remission of
causes and effects of thahu (ritual contamination). The concept of thahu is closely
related to the Christian understanding of sin, both of which are caused by
separation and alienation between the offender, the community and God
(Mwaura, 2001). A person contracted thahu as a consequence of one's action
against a prohibition (miigiro), the major causes being migiro and kirumi (curse).
According to Kahindi (1988), thahu, miigiro and kirumi were related, since a
person's acts, which contravened a prohibition, whether the ban was miigiro or
kirumi, led the doer into a thahu condition. As such, thahu can be said to be the
. consequence of an act performed in contravention of a miigiro or a kirumi.
Migiro were the moral codes of Giktiyti's conduct or their do's and don'ts that
governed such things as sacred places, land use, food, marriages and procreation,
and their relation with God and ancestral spirits. Some of these migiro were held
sacred and were believed to have been instituted by God through the Council of
elders, a belief that gave them sanctity (Wanjiru; Ndogo O.1s, 2010). Kirumi, was
a ban imposed by an older person upon a younger relative. It was pronounced as a
prohibition and mostly became a curse after the announcer's death.,
Mwaniki (0.1 2010) states that migiro were the basis of morality among the
Gikfiyfl and every person had to observe the moral code to maintain cosmic
harmony. Migiro conditioned and maintained the social order as well as harmony
TT . J H\ll\:' r. c ~ iTV I 'f:l n;\M ~
249
in the society (Mwaura, 2001). Breaching or breaking any of the migiro brought
ritual status called thahu (ritual pollution). According to Mwaniki (OJ, 2010),
when one had broken a ban, the offender's status got disturbed leading to
misfortune, sometimes displayed in illnesses. In most cases, as Wanjau (OJ,
2010) notes, the victim withered away in illness or his/her children and livestock
died mysteriously, and crops shrunk.
Mwaniki and Wamucii (OJs, 2010) state that there were a number of
circumstances that could render a person defiled or ritually unclean (Routledge
and Routledge, 1906; Kabetu, 1966; Hobley, 1967 and Gathigira, 1969), among
them contamination with blood (murder and menses). Blood prohibition was
based on the fact that it was viewed as both a source of life and a gift from God.
However, the scope of this work did not cover that. Others involved contact with
corpses and carcasses or food, farming and livestock. Equally, there were those
that referred to relations among relatives, friends, age-mates and interactions with
animals. In addition, prohibitions also resulted when an entire homestead
encountered numerous disasters like diseases, loss of livestock or continue poor
crop yields. Observably, among the Gikfiyfi, wholeness of life is required in
totality within material things, family, clan, age set, among ancestral spirits and
God, a factor that makes them God- fearing. Disturbing the ontological balance by
breaking migiro was and still equated to offending God.
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King' ori (0.1 2010) observed that many of the migiro were well known to adult
Gikfiyii Christians as they had been inculcated from childhood through the
processes of socialization. However, according to Ndogo (0.1, 2010), it was the
rite of initiation that imprinted migiro into the body and mind specifically during
the unforgettable ndemengo (physical initiation) and through Kiganda (the
temporal home for the initiates as they recuperate). Without this instruction,
Glkiiyi; children would neither become responsible adults nor able to pass the
same knowledge to the future generations.
In addition, breaking a miigiro was believed to have dire consequences on a
person, the family, clan and the entire community. To restore the cosmic balance,
after contravening a miigiro, a victim had to undergo a purification rite called
ndahikio. The word ndahikio literally means to "cause to vomit" out the
uncleanness. The elaborative purification ritual is well explained in section 4.4.4.
Purification ceremonies performed by Ago with assistance of ritual elders varied
considerably depending on the nature of the miigiro broken and thahu incurred
(Leakey, 1977). However, water ritually drawn in a sign of the cross and mixed
with magical medicine was used in Ndahikio rituals. Ago concluded these
ceremonies by counseling the victim on how to avoid thahu in future.
According to Wamucii (0.1, 2010) the purpose of ritual purification was to
reconcile the offender with the family, clan, the ancestral spirits and God so as to
251
re-incorporate himlher back into the mainstream of the community. As noted
earlier, missionaries condemned Gikiiyii moral system that constituted migiro,
thahu, and ndahikio equating them with superstitions, irreligious and unworthy
beliefs; they had to be replaced them with prayer, counselling, Church rules and
regulations.
Unfortunately, the Church systems did not address daily misfortunes, illnesses,
practical problems of curses, migiro, thahu and all social problems. It was these
life threatening issues that frustrated many Glkuyii PCEA converts making them
revert to their erstwhile ritual purification rites performed by Ago. In their faith,
however, they inwardly believed in migiro and were always in spiritual fear of
thahu. As a result of this vulnerability, when it became evident that diseases and
misfortunes were caused by thahu, they resulted to Ago for the much needed
purification rituals. The underlying reason for this duality was because mission
Christianity did not address Gikiiyil PCEA Christians' deepest needs of
reconciliation, moral order and restoration after ritual contamination. Since this
vulnerability persists in times of crisis emanating from thahu, most GikiiyilPCEA
Christians continue to revert to Ago, once confronted by such problem.
Observably, due to the fear instilled by PCEA Church, this is done secretly.
Culprits fear ex-communication and denial of Church privileges among them
Holy Communion. Once this occurs, most opt out of Church or move to other
252
denominations, only for a cycle to continue. The. move demonstrates that
Christianity has neither penetrated into their worldview nor has it been
inculturated in their lives, and has thus missed the central mission of
inculturation; that is to present Christianity in the thought pattern of Gikiiyfi;
provide answers to all their social, spiritual and material struggles; and make them
recover from "religious schizophrenia" (having one "foot" in the Church and the
"other" in beliefs and practices in.iigo), Inculturation as established in the study
serves a worthwhile solution to GikfiyfiChristians' double lives, a rather hard task
albeit of primary importance.
In view of the foregoing, this study suggests a replacement of philosophical issues
underlying Gikiiyu purification ritual's with Christian baptism, an act that
signifies higher righteousness in form of union with Christ. In addition, as a rite of
initiation, a Baptized person is brought into a wholly new relationship with Christ
and His Church (Ferguson and Wright 2003). However, purification rituals have
the following underlying philosophical elements: first, it was led by Ago believed
to be divinely appointed by Ngai (God). Second, they served a useful purpose of
removing defilement (thahu) from the offender with ritually drawn water in a sign
of the cross that symbolized the power to annul evil. Finally, Miindii Miigo
counseled the victim extensively especially on how to avoid defilements in the
future. These three ideological elements are lacking in missionary Christianity,
which promote Gikiiyti PCEA Christians recourse to iigo. There is a need to
253
incorporate them in baptism, a move that would not only overcome dualism but
also give Giktiyu PCEA Christians wholistic living. Seeking Christian baptism on
one hand serves simultaneously as a fulfillment of the philosophy which underline
the ritual purification, and on the other, a better substitute the same as a form of
higher righteousness. The section that follows provides the basis of replacement
of ritual purification with Christian Baptism.
(iii) Replacement of Ritual Purification with Christian Baptism.
On the basis of the above framework, Gikiiyii's purification ritual, like that of
Judaism and John's baptism, becomes a praeparatio evangelica to Christian
baptism. The result is that baptism, by its very nature, must bear the stamp of
GIkilyil's ritual purification elements, a move that would make Gikfiyii PCEA
Christians remain faithful to Jesus without necessarily augmenting their faith with
iigo. In supporting this view, Kato (1976: 146) argues that:
The attitude of Christians toward cultural renaissance need not be
negative. Culture as a way of life must be maintained. Jesus Christ
became a man in order to save men. In becoming incarnate, He
was involved in the Jewish culture wearing their clothes, eating
their food and thinking in their thought patterns. But while He
went through all that, He was without sin, addressing both Jewish
and Gentile people authoritatively as the Son of God. Jesus would
not have come to make Africans become American Christians [or]
to cause Europeans to become Indian Christians. It is God's will
that Africans, on accepting Christ as their Saviour, become
Christian Africans. Africans who become Christians should
therefore remain Africans wherever their culture does not conflict
with the Bible. It is the Bible that must judge the culture [not
Euro-American way oflife]. Where a conflict results, the cultural
element must give way.
254
The point that Kato makes is that the three elements of Gikiiyfi's ritual
purification tandem with Biblical truth be incorporated in baptism as a means of
evangelizing PCEA Christians and transforming them through Gospel message.
This however, involves a challenge to those Christians who according to the
Church live double lives, to rethink their basic beliefs, hopes and inspirations in
order to create a new religious worldview that incorporates Gikiiyii and Christian
worldviews without contradiction. If Christianity is understood this way, it would
become Good News to the Gikuyii PCEA Christians, and not a foreign religion, as
it is. By so doing, PCEA GikiiyfiChristians would not be under the spiritual fear
of cultural and religious desecration that denies them their identity. In addition, a
crucial element in Christianity that needs emphasizing is what Waliggo (1986)
calls Gospel elasticity nature which has the capacity to make room within its
inherited body of traditions for new realities of foreign worldviews. The
replacement of ritual purification with baptism explores this Gospel openness and
proposes adjustment in PCEA catechumen materials and baptism liturgy to
include elements of Gikuyi; ritual purification.
(a) Replacement of Ago's ideology with Church ministers
As observed in section one, ritual purification rites are always led by Ago. There
are specific qualifications that allow Ago to lead in those rituals which includes
being divinely appointed and trained to serve and discern people's needs. This
way, Ago are aware of the offenses and their magnitude in disturbing cosmic
255
balance. They are also knowledgeable on the kind of punishment or retribution
involved in offenses committed.
One important qualification of Jesus Christ is the nature of being fully God and
.Human thereby understanding the nature (people) and the Divine (God). As one
who is consubstantial with God, He embodies divine deliverance which surpasses
restoration of the physical or the moral. Jesus' cleansing includes the spiritual
condition of the people. He is not only able to expulse the effects of curses and
migiro from people; but also able to cure everything that separates them from
God. As such, Jesus has the ability to deliver people once and for all from
physical and spiritual bondage and to bring them into a relationship with God.
This is the key element that distinguishes Him from Ago. Similarly, the
replacement of the philosophical underlying Ago in the Christian realm should
include a personality who has understanding of both divinity and humanity of
Jesus. Consequently, this study proposes that the PCEA Church embraces Gikiiyii
cultural understanding of purification rituals as used by Ago. This way, ministers
should be able to get the new meaning of baptism within the Gikiiyii cultural
milieu, such that the theology of baptism would interact with cultural meanings of
purification thus producing deep understanding of both rituals. This would bring
to light aspects of their truth which were condemned and outlawed by missionary
Christianity. In view of the foregoing, the study suggests that PCEA church,
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embraces Ago's ideology in curses and migiro and incorporates it into Christian
baptism.
(b) Inculturating Gikiiyii's water symbolism in purification rituals with
Christian Baptism
In both traditions water is used as a cleansing agent. According to Hartley (1992:
126-140), water cleansing in Biblical sense is a symbolism that emphasizes the
purity of life expected from the people of God. Based on the above view, the
study proposes that if the underlying philosophy of water symbolism in Gikfiyfi
purification rituals is incorporated in baptism PCEA Christians would be able to
internalize the Gospel in their worldview. For example, the use of water by Ago
during purification rituals acts as a means of cleansing, absolving effects of curses
and migiro, bringing about the freshness of life. As seen earlier, water drawn in
the symbol of the cross has the power to cleanse and nullify evil powers, brought
about by thahu. The deeper spiritual hunger that drives Gikiiyii PCEA Christians
to ago affirms there is a spiritual vacuum within the Christian ministry. In order to
fill this vacuum, inculturation is suggested.
Having looked at the water symbolism in ritual purification ceremonies, the study
suggests that it be inculturated into Christian baptism. Just as water for
purification rituals Was drawn in a sign of the cross and energized with magical
medicine, the ministers likewise should be drawing the water, and before baptism
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energize it through prayer, in order to nullify the effects of curses and migiro. By
so doing, thus, cover the Gikfiyii PCEA Christians with a shield of God's
protection. This way, Gikfiyii's water symbolism in ritual purification is replaced
by Christian baptism, giving GikfiyfiPCEA Christians wholistic living.
(c) Adjusted catechism incorporating Ago's counseling in baptism.
Nasimiyu (1986) and Ntetem (1983) have suggested how the baptism liturgy and
catechumen curricula can be adjusted for the purpose of inculturation for the
traditional initiation ceremonies of their people. It is on this basis that this study
proposes that the PCEA catechumen curriculum and baptism liturgy be
adjustment to underscore the ideologies behind the aforementioned element of
ritual purification that is missing in missionary Christianity. Such a curriculum
can emphasize Pastoral counseling, which is necessary as it aims not to expose the
guilt of one's breaking a taboo or Church rule, and thereby be subjected to the
consequences of segregation and or excommunication, but at transforming the
person. It distinguishes between the person on the wrong and the wrong
committed which must be condemned at all times, without the doer losing dignity.
This understanding of pastoral counseling is well articulated by Lartey (1987:
115).According to him:
By Pastoral counseling therefore we wish to refer to a
helping activity undertaken by people who recognize a
spiritual or religious dimension to life, which by the use of
verbal or non-verbal, direct or indirect, literal or symbolic
modes of communication, aims at preventing or relieving
the anxieties of persons and fostering their growth as fully
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functioning human beings and the development of a society
in which all persons can live a human life.
Counseling is mainly to do with improving relationship with God, oneself, and
with the community. In a pastoral sense, baptism is given two meanings: a rite of
purification and of entry. Both elements form an essential unity - moral purity,
which is referred to as purity of the heart, a necessary requirement for entry into
the sanctuary of God, which is a living symbol of a full and blessed relationship.
The purpose of baptism is to build the person and to restore the broken
relationship with God and others, not to condemn and banish. For instance, a
person who has not known the gracious acts of God is taken through catechism
classes where the positive elements of ritual purification are included. He/she is
made to realize that he/she is a sinner and in need of renouncing old ways and by
faith in God, is baptized, born a new in a family of God's people. By so doing,
his/her sins are forgiven (removing defilement) and, he/she is restored to God, the
church and nature (reconciliation). In this, ritual purification is replaced by
Christian baptism as an attempt to express the Gospel in the thought-forms of
Giktiyfi culture.
It is vital to highlight that in Gikiiyfi culture, a person was in constant need of
ritual purification for numerous reasons. However, this desire is well addressed in
baptism as buttressed in the larger catechism of Westminster confession of faith
(1996: 279) in which question 167 is as follows:
Question: How is our baptism to be improved by us?
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Answer:
The needful but much neglected duty of improving our baptism is to be
performed by us all our life long, especially in the time of temptation, and
when we are presented at the administration of it to others, by serious and
thankful consideration of the nature of it and of the ends for which Christ
instituted it, the privileges and benefits conferred and sealed thereby, and
our solemn vow made therein; by being humbled for our sinful defilement,
our falling short of, and walking contrary to the grace of baptism and
engagements; by growing up to assurance of pardon of sin, and of all other
blessings sealed to us in that sacrament ...
This mindset is principally what underscores the replacement of ritual purification
with Christian baptism since there is a way of renewing vows during the baptism
service.
4.3.4.2: Inculturating Contemporary Healing into Gikfiyfi
Indigenous Healing Ideology
(i) Biblical Teaching in regard to Healing
The study uses the paradigm theory outlined above for inculturating
contemporary healing into Gikfiyfi indigenous disease worldview. Unlike Gikiiyii
purification ritual, both Old and NTs clearly support indigenous healing. In
connection to healing in the OT, Vermes (1983: 59) states that healing is God's
exclusive prerogative, "to Him alone belongs human life". Wilkinson (203: 287)
agrees with Vermes, adding that "all healing is God's whether provided through
creation (by health care professions) or Providence, that is, through redemption"
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(by forgiveness of sin, reconciliation with God and renewal of all human
relationships). God heals through redemption just as He delivered the Israelites
from Egypt and led them to Canaan. No sooner had this momentous event taken
place than they faced critical test of bitter water at Marah (Ex. 15 22-25).
However, people complained and Moses cried out to God, who responded by
sweetening the water. Such experiences were to teach Israelites that their health
would be maintained by constant enjoyment of God's presence and loyalty as
revealed in the laws and commandments. In this respect, God was depicted as
concerned with their well-being.
The OT language of healing in redemptive ways shed further light on fundamental
notion of God as a healer. In particular, is the "healings" of the broken down altar
(1 King 18: 30) a drought stricken and locust infested land (2 Chr 7: 14), a
mildew infected house (Lev 14: 48), earth's fissures (Ps 60: 4) and a smashed
piece of pottery (Jer 19: 11). In the above contexts, the source of well-being was
God and the scope of health covered human beings and the environment. Humans-
were expected to preserve and positively relate with the environment in order to
enjoy total well-being. As such, the relationship with cosmos was an essential
element in the concept of health.
It is also noted that God heals diseases by His own powers to alleviate human
sufferings. This recourse to healing is profoundly expressed in Ex. 19: 26: "If you
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diligently heed the voice of the Lord your God and do what is right in His sight,
give ear to His commandments and keep all His statutes, I will put none of the
diseases on you which I have brought on the Egyptians. For I am Lord who heals
you... " Obedience to God's law meant freedom from diseases and good relation
with one another, while disobedience meant affliction (Lev. 26: 14-16; Deut.
28:59). Obeying God's law was the best form of preventative medicine, while
disobedience resulted to diseases which disturbed the relationship between God
and humans (Deut. 28:15fff.). Consequently, the wicked would suffer while the
righteous enjoy health and prosperity.
It is therefore clear that there is a vital connection between people's health and
ethical and spiritual obedience. This understanding is undoubtedly attested by the
Psalmist (Ps6:2, Ps103: 3), Chronicler (2 Chr 16: 12-14) and the prophets (Isa 19:
22, Jer 17: 14, Hos 7: 1, Zech 11: 16). One further relevant element regarding
healing in the OT is that God also appointed healing agents. In regard to healing
by redemption, for example, God appointed Moses to deliver the children of Israel
out of bondage (Ex 3: 10, as He appointed a number of agents to heal. If any
person in the OT was able to heal another, it was because he/she had received
such power from God. Such was the case of Prophet Elijah, who was able to
restore the life of Zarepeth widow's son (1 King 17: 8-24). Similarly, his
successor Elisha, revived the Shunammite's son (2 Kings 4: 17-37) and cured
Naaman offleprosy (2 Kings 5: 1-14).
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In the OT, agents of healing procedures were diverse and performed curative
activities upon patients. For instance, Elijah raised the Zarephath's widow son
from the dead by invoking God's power (1 Kings 17: 21), while Elisha used water
to cure Naaman (2 King 5: 14). King Hezekiah got cured by "a cake of figs"
through the intercession of prophet Isaiah (2Kings 20:7). Cure in the OT
consisted of wholeness (physical) and holiness (spirituality).
This study reveals that Gikiiyu indigenous healing practice is consistence with the
OT as demonstrated by the fact that in the latter as in the former's, God is
regarded as a healer. In both, God appointed agents of healing such as Elijah and
Ago respectively. Furthermore, health in both is not restricted to the body but to
peoples' whole being, their relation with God, with one another and also their
environment. This wholistic approach to health characterizes both worldviews.
The NT (NT) presupposes the OT teaching about healing and also regards God as
a healer. However, God is seen to be the actual healer in the person of Jesus
Christ. Mark underlines this view:
They brought to him all who were sick or possessed with demon's ... and
he cured many who were sick with various diseases, and cast out many
demons; and he would not permit the demons to speak, because they knew
him (Mk 1:32 - 34).
The understanding of health in the NT is equally both physical and spiritual. This
view is abundantly attested in the Synopsis where Jesus healed all kinds of
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diseases (Mk. 1:21 - 28; 6:5, Mt.4:23; 9:35; 14:14; 14:35-36; 18:7;19;2, Lk. 4:18
- 19; 9:11). We can infer from the foregoing that both physical and spiritual
illnesses were brought to Jesus. The former manifested themselves as fevers (Lk.
4:38-39), lameness, paralysis and other crippling infirmities (Mk 1:40 - 45; 2: 3-
4; 5:1 - 20). Others were blindness (Mk 10:46 - 52), hemorrhage (Mk 5:24 - 34),
deafness (Mk.9:14-29) and leprosy (Lk. 5:12-14). In addition, spiritual ailments
were generally described as demon possession (Mk. 1:23-27; Mt. 8:28-32; Lk.
9:38-42), among them epilepsy and mental illnesses (Mk. 9:17-27; Mt. 17:14-18;
Lk. 8: 26-39).
According to Abogunrin (1998), an African worldview is similar to the Biblical
one, especially the first-century Palestine in which Jesus lived and served. He
notes that many Africans still live in the world of the NT- where people believed
in demons and a host of unseen supernatural powers. In view of the foregoing, the
study submits that beliefs and practices in iigo among Gikiiyti PCEA Christians
are complex and delicate and should not be dismissed as mere superstitions or as a
psychological condition of those who indulge. Gikiiyii PCEA Christians need
Christianity that interacts with spiritual forces as Jesus did during his earthly
ministry.
In His healing, Jesus utilized a variety of methods. The approach is wholistic and
included medical (use of saliva which was a common healing remedy at the time),
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a social- ethical (bringing people to repentance and good relationship with
neighbors), and above all, the spiritual dimension. In this, He offered salvation
through preaching and casting out evil spirits. Jesus also raised the dead' for
example Jairus' daughter (Mt. 9:18fff.; Mk. 5:22fff.; Lk. 8:41-,), Lazarus, and
the son of the widow of Nain, Luke 7:11-15). It is clear from the above accounts
that Jesus healing method restored not only physical health but also relationships.
He too, following the trend of OT, appointed and empowered agents of restoring
health. For example, He commissioned the 12 disciples (Mk 6:7-13), Paul (Acts
14:8; 16:18; 20:10) and Church elders (James 5:16) to heal and cast out demons
by invoking His name.
It is evident that the NT takes up from the OT in understanding God as the healer.
Wilkinson (2003: 287) colloborates this by noting that; "in Christian
understanding, health is the complete wellbeing of a person who is in a right
relationship with God, himself, fellow human beings and environment". This
concept provides this study with a basis for analyzing Glkiiyii indigenous healing.
It is in tandem with the Old and the NTs for they acknowledge God as the healer
who appoints agents to carry out the healing mission. Similarly, Gikfiyii believes
that Ngai is a healer and provider, who appoints Ago as healing agents.
The CSM condemned indigenous healing as evil and Ago as devil's agents.
However, as observed in the above analysis, Gikiiyii indigenous healing is
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consistent with the Word of God. In place of Ago, missionaries and colonial
government introduced Western medical personnel, contemporary medicine and
hospitals. Unfortunately these institutions lay emphasis on physical cure at the
expense of the spiritual, contrary to Biblical view. Due to such development,
Gikuyii PCEA Christians continue to receive physical treatment from them and
for spiritual cure resort to Ago, albeit in secrecy. Chiuri (0.1, 2010), observes that
at times relatives of a hospitalized person smuggles medicine consecrated by Ago,
believed to be energized by divine powers from God to supplement contemporary
drugs. To such people, contemporary medicine alone would not offer the double
cure (physical and spiritual) as expected. Alternatively, relatives would request
the doctors to discharge their sick so that they may take them to Ago for proper
and meaningful treatment (Baragu, 0.1, 2010). This means that contemporary
medicine is not a substitute to Ago since it seemingly lacks divine elements or
spiritual aspects in its application. Gikiiyii PCEA Christians, thus, recognize Ago
(dual role of a doctor and pastor) as healers who combine physical and spiritual
dimensions in regard to healing, unlike contemporary doctors whose role is only
physical.
In responding to the spiritual and physical aspects of healing, missionaries
introduced Chaplaincy in Mission hospitals. Rather than provide pastoral care to
those undergoing life's crisis and divine element in treatment, the chaplain's role
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concentrated on the former to the detriment of the healing. Westberg (1961: 61)
affirms this by observing that the role of the chaplain is more of a care provider
placing them at the periphery of the centrality of healing in contemporary
methods.
He notes: -
The hospital chaplain merely makes pastoral visits to the hospital,
the visits are almost entirely pastor centered indicating indifference
to the patient's needs, the chaplain has little or no knowledge as to
his/her position on the healing team and the chaplain's theological
education prepared him to counsel patients not to heal them ... the
doctor is a scientist who works on the body, while the chaplain is a
type of philosopher/theologian who cares for the troubled soul. It
is the doctors and the nurses who can aid him in finding such
people, for in their conversations with the patients they can often
detect hidden needs which can be helped considerably by the kind
of care which a chaplain can give.
Observably, the chaplain is not seen as a decisive element in the healing activity:
"diagnosis tests, treatment plans, length of hospitalization, prognosis, pain
control, diet, medications, costs and discharge" (Holst 1985:14). On this basis,
chaplains are not substitutes for divine healing either from a Biblical or Ggo
perspective. As a result, despite their presence in hospitals, dual religious lives
among the Gikiiyii PCEA Christians persist. In this regard, the study suggests
that chaplain be included in the healing plans so as to play the ideological roles of
Ago, to overcome duality.
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(ii) Integration of Contemporary Healing with Indigenous
Healing Practices
Analysis of indigenous healing practices in section one revealed that there were
three main philosophical elements underlying its application that lack in
contemporary treatment and need to be integrated in Christian medical centers":
Ago as divine agents in healing, invocation of the divine to effect healing, and
incantation of divine power to prevent future recurrences of illness.
(a) Ideology of Ago as Divine agents in healing
In Gikiiyii community, Ago control two disciplines, that is pastoral and medical.
In their dual-role, their patients have great faith in them as divine agent in healing
and this contributes immensely to the healing process. To capture this trust, the
study submit that PCEA church needs to recruit chaplains who have the same
capability as Ago and believe that God is the healer and they themselves should
portray an ideology as God's agents of healing. This would make Gikiiyii PCEA
Christians perceive them in the light of Ago. By so doing, chaplain would take the
philosophy underlying the image of Ago as divine agents of contemporary
healing, thereby, mutually enriching Christianity, and, thus overcoming dualism
problem
34 This study, proposes to use mission medical facilities in an endeavor to inculturate indigenous
healing practice as representative.
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b) Philosophy underlying Invoking Divine Power in Healing
It was noted that Ago in their healing process evoke God to intervene in patients'
life. They do this prior to divination, probing the sick to know possible causes of
the illness and when administering herbal medicine, thereby invoking God in the
treatment process. By so doing, God takes the centre stage in the patient's healing
process. To inculturate divine healing in the treatment plans of Christian health
centers, it is suggested that chaplains be the first to receive the sick, pray" with
them to invoke divine intervention in healing process. Second, like Ago, they
should struggle to penetrate the subconscious level of their patients by carrying
out diagnostic interviews before doctors embark on physical examination. The
prayer and diagnostic interview become the first act of healing, invoking God to
take the centre- stage as is always done by Ago. By so doing, God is perceived by
patient as the healer and the Chaplains as agent in treatment, thus bridging
dualism problem.
c) Ideology of Invocation of Divine power to prevent illness recurrence
As noted, Gikfiyfi believes that diseases have physical as well as spiritual causes
and Ago have to take preventative measures in the course of treatment to insure
non- occurrences of the illness. These are provided in form of charms, or Ago
performing rituals in clients' homes to offer them mystical security. In the same
35 This healing procedure is only proposed for Christian's patients and not of those of other faiths.
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way, once the cause of illness is discovered either through physical examination
or laboratory tests and prescription made, the study suggests that chaplains, be
holding sessions with patients to examine suspected cultural root causes of illness,
and thereby develop a strategy on appropriate measures to prevent future
recurrence
If for example it is discovered that the cultural root of illness is due to a curse for
interfering with family land boundaries, the chaplain should recognize this to be
the problem of broken relationship. As a result, he/she advices the patient or a
relative present, to initiate a reconciliatory meeting with family members, an
action that leads to the restoration of boundaries disputed and consequent
forgiveness. This would counteract the curse and ensure non - recurrence of
illness. The transformation of the Ago into Chaplains go along way III
overcoming dualism problem since the patients would be receiving both physical
and spiritual healing in Christians mission hospitals.
4.3.4.3 Conclusion
The third section of the study is to suggest a process of inculturating beliefs and
practices in iigo in order to give Agikiiyii Christians a wholistic Christian living.
The study observed that the inculturation is a process which is Biblical and
relevant to the church live. In view of the foregoing, the study suggests an
approach of inculturating based on the Niebuhr's missiological theory in which
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beliefs and practices in iigo are subjected to a critical evaluation procedure so that
the cultural elements, which are found to be incompatible with the Biblical
teaching, are replaced and those, which are found to at tandem, are adopted. The
method of inculturation had three phases namely theological assessment of culture
element to be inculturated. A detailed analysis of the element as understood in the
culture, and an integration or replacement of the same. The study suggest that, the
PCEA church, through the inculturation procedure proposed should reconsider it's
attitudes toward the beliefs and practices of iigo and distinguish the good from
bad, the truth from the false, and the divine from evil. In making such analysis,
the church would liberate Gikfiyti Christians from living with dualism,
characterized by, living hypocritical and unfulfilled lives. The graphic illustration
of inculturation paradigm theory is depicted below-
Figure 4:9: Gospel Interaction with Gikiiyii Culture and Missionary
Christianity
Bible
Inculturated
Gospel
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Missionary Christianity
Source: Author's Representation
The above representation shows that inculturated paradigm theory is a polished
product of Gikiiyii Culture, Bible and Missionary Christianity. It shows that one
can be truly a Mugfkuyu and bona fide Christian. Accordingly, one does not need
to abandon his/her culture to be authentic Christian, but rather to let Missionary
Christianity, the Bible and Gikfiyi! Culture interact, to produce an inculturated
Gospel. This understanding underpins the whole process of inculturation, leading
people to respond to the Gospel in a manner that is fulfilling, enriching and
authentic. The next chapter focuses on summary, conclusions and
recommendations.
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.0: Introduction
This chapter presents the summary of findings as well as the recommendations of
this study besides giving suggestions for further research. The study investigated
beliefs and practices in tigo among Gikiiyil PCEA Christians in Nyeri Presbytery.
The study accomplished its four objectives by looking at various issues and
making suggestions arising from analyzed data. Conclusions in all the sections
pointed to the fact that beliefs and practices in ugo have created religious
schizophrenic phenomenon among Gikiiyii PCEA Christians.
5.1: Summary of the study
The focus of this study was to investigate why Gikfiyfi PCEA Christians have
continued with the beliefs and practices in iigo when in crisis. This religious
dualism prompted the need to investigate factors that make Christians revert to the
forbidden practices by the church. The study aimed at finding possible solutions
in an attempt to resolve the dual-religious mind by inculturating beliefs and
practices in iigo in order to give Gikiiyii PCEA Christians wholistic living. To the
Church, the study provides a monogram not only for Christians, Church leaders,
Christian educators and pastors, but also to others involved in cross-cultural
evangelism across the world. The study is thus useful to missiologists,
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forbidden practices by the church. The study aimed at finding possible solutions
in an attempt to resolve the dual-religious mind by inculturating beliefs and
practices in iigo in order to give Gikiiyii PCEA Christians wholistic living. To the
Church, the study provides a monogram not only for Christians, Church leaders,
Christian educators and pastors, but also to others involved in cross-cultural
evangelism across the world. The study is thus useful to missiologists,
anthropologists and theologians interested in African theology. It is hoped that
this study has thrown light to the understanding of inculturation and wholistic
healing.
The objectives of the study were to; examine the extent of adherence to iigo in
Gikliyfi indigenous beliefs and practices; evaluate the Church of Scotland
Missionaries' interpretation of iigo in their evangelization process among the
Gikfiyfi PCEA Christians; investigate the determinants of vulnerability of Gikfiyii
PCEA Christians to the beliefs and practices in iigo despite Christian
evangelization; and Identify strategies the PCEA Church can put in place of
inculturating Christianity into beliefs and practices in iigo.
The premises of the study were that: the beliefs and practices in iigo are central in
Gikfiyii religious and cultural thought; the Church of Scotland Missionaries'
interpretation of Gikiiyfi' s beliefs and practices to iigo was that of denigration
rather than theological elucidation; Gikiiyii Presbyterians Christians are
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vulnerable to beliefs and practices in iigo despite Christian evangelization; there
are strategies the PCEA Church can put in place to inculturate Christianity into
beliefs and practices in iigo.
The conceptual framework for the study is based on three theories. Turner's
(1968) theory of ritual-symbolism. It was helpful in understanding that the rituals
involved in the beliefs and practices of a Mundu Miigo are not meaningless. They
are systematized in stages and their contents couched in symbolic meanings.
Horton's (1995) theory of African religion as of predication, control and
manipulation aided the study to infer that Gikiiyii religion is influenced by the
quest for and manipulation. This framework was relevant for the understanding
the basis of the persistence of the beliefs and practices in ugo. Niebuhr's (1951)
missiological theory's two motifs were found appropriate, and consequently
adapted. Christ the transformer of culture and Christ of culture motifs were used
to refine, retain or eliminate some elements of the beliefs and practices in ugo for
the purpose of inculturation. The three theories supplemented each other and
provided a theoretical framework for the whole study.
Data for the study were obtained through observation, in-depth interviews, self-
administered questionnaires methods and secondary sources. The qualitative data
was categorized and thematized according to the objectives of the study to form
the basis for analysis and interpretation. Quantitative data was analyzed using
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Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). Descriptive statistics (means,
frequencies and percentages) were used to present the analyzed data. The
following is a summary of the study objectives.
5.2: Summary of the Main Findings
The first objective of this study was to examine the extent of adherence to iigo in
Gikiiyii indigenous beliefs and practices. It was based on the premise that the
beliefs and practices in iigo are central in Gikiiyfi religious and cultural thought.
The findings indicate that iigo is grounded in the Gikfiyfi worldview, a mindset
that gives credence to the interrelatedness between the material world and the
spiritual universe. In addition, the study noted that Gikiiyil had religious
specialists referred to as Ago and who were perceived as men of God with
immense wisdom. Their office originated from God and Ago were taken as God's
agents especially in addressing diseases and misfortunes.
Qualifications to the iigo 's office demanded that one go through the rites of
passage among them; second birth, circumcision and marriage. This condition
was based on the Gikiiyu' s belief that, for one to be a Miigikiiyu, he had to have
undergone all transition rituals. Ago were expected to be sober and kind to all
people. Their recruitment process was a rigorous exercise with initiation rituals
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systematized in stages and contents embedding ritual symbolism as laden in the
mode propounded by Turner (1968). Ago transversed nine stages to assume iiga's
office, a number established to signify completeness. The study discovered that
the basis for the dominant number nine was accounted for through the Gikfiyii
myth of origin.
This study also found out that Ago controlled indigenous healing practices.
Consequently, they were considered divine agents in charge of the entire
discipline of the community's medical care. Further, the study observed that the
Giktiyfihad a "disease - theory system" which identified, classified and explained
diseases and misfortunes. According to this theory, the study noted, diseases and
misfortunes were caused by curses, broken taboos, oaths, witchcraft, and mlhiimii
(breath). The theory placed the problem on a wider causal context of social,
physical, psychological, spiritual and environmental aspects of Gikfiyuculture.
The study underscored the fact that the disease theory system was pivotal to Ago's
healing process. Unlike in contemporary practices, it went beyond mere
diagnostic enquiries employing both physical and spiritual methods in treatment.
On the physical dimension, Ago applied medicine mainly derived from natural
ingredients, while on the spiritual aspect, they asked patients to perform various
ritualistic actions either to neutralize or avert any personalized agents that may
have caused the diseases or misfortunes. Further, Ago had to advise clients on
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counter-measures in the form of charms or ritualistic acts familiar to the patient.
In their treatment procedure, Ago not only referred to spiritual agencies but also
linked diseases and misfortunes to invisible and tangible events. Similarly,Ago's
healing methods resonated with spiritual agencies and observable physical things
of the material world.
This study also observed that an equally important duty for Ago was divination
which was a way of diagnosing hidden causes of afflictions. It operated in the
same way as contemporary medical laboratories and revealed the difficult and
hidden causes of illnesses and misfortunes that routine methods within Ago's
inquiry could not. As such, Ago employed divination to ensure that all relevant
information was brought forward before treatment was undertaken. By so doing,
they acted as contemporary laboratory technicians.
This study also sought to identify the calamities involved in divination within
indigenous Gikiiyii community. It was discovered that Ago's sphere of influence
was extremely wide and encompassed various dimensions of human life. Many
people sought divination services once afflicted by all forms of illness such as
insanity and gradual physical deterioration. Such were to have been caused by
bewitchment or curses. Some visited Ago to seek answers to diminished
prosperity especially once they compared themselves to other siblings, relatives
and neighbours. Others sought love potions; fertility measures in particular to
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explain, impotency, delayed pregnancy as well as other suspicious events in their
lives. Elders sought divination to discern the kind of sacrifice to offer when a
calamity had bedeviled the community. It was such activities that made Ago's
role in the community not only religious but also central.
The study notes that beliefs and practices in iigo were a systematized faith with
highly symbolized rituals arranged in stages (Turner, 1969). Further, each of the
activities conducted and ritual objects used were highly influenced by prevailing
myths. Ugo, therefore, was the bridge between the living and ancestral spirits; as
it mediated both natural and spiritual worlds, restoring cosmic balance, thus
rekindled back a situation that once prevailed. This entailed that life continued
harmoniously. These conclusions confirm the first premise that beliefs and
practices in iigo are central in Gikiiyfi cultural and religious thought.
The second objective sought to evaluate the Church of Scotland Mission's
interpretation of Gikiiyfi Christians beliefs and practices in iigo. The premise was
that CSM missionaries' interpretation of beliefs and practices in iigo was that of
denigration rather than theological elucidation. The study revealed that
missionaries displayed a negative attitude towards beliefs and practices in iigo
branding Ago as Satan's agents. They also equated their practices with
"paganism", "primitivity", "demonism", and "superstitious" and thereby
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declaring them unfit for inculturation. This negative attitude guided the strategy
that missionaries adopted in their evangelization methods to the Gikiiyii.
An investigation of the background of the CSM revealed that the negative attitude
towards African cultural heritage was undergirded by the scientific and cultural
development that swept Scotland and other European countries in the 18th and 19th
centuries. The scientific discoveries, philosophical and anthropological theories
of the time, influenced the life of the Church to an extent that religious beliefs and
practices were subjected to science and reason. As such, the corollary of this
intellectual mindset was that any religious belief system that did not meet Western
standards was "savage, ignorant and superstitious" (Bediako, 1995: 23) and
therefore unworthy.
A consequence of this estimation was that missionaries considered their culture as
the basic criteria upon which Giktiyfi cultural heritage could be gauged. The
Scottish missionaries' negative attitude towards Gikiiyii culture shaped the
evangelization strategy. Instead of treating Christianity as a "fulfillment" to the
aspirations of Gikiiyii indigenous religion, missionaries transported their
homegrown Christianity and strategically planted it wholesale to the Gikiiyii. In
the context of this study, this was achieved through the TfimiitfimfiMission
Station, Out- Schools, Churches and Western medicine. In all these, the study
found out that converts were required to abandon their indigenous religious
280
heritage and embrace a Scottish lifestyle as a condition of being accepted to the
Church.
This strategy led to a transplanted Scottish's administration structures, liturgy,
form of worship, education system and medicine. Missionaries transposed the
latter without adjusting them to conform to any indigenous form of worship,
education and healing. Observably, the study found that some efforts were made
to promote the process of inculturation, in particular translating the Bible, Hymn
and Liturgy books and elementary learning materials into Gikiiyii language
besides appointing local personnel to the Church leadership. This action created a
local community of believers within the Presbyterian Church in Kenya.
The study also noted that the approaches used by CSM had negative repercussions
on the early Christians. In particular, Presbyterian converts on one hand, clang to
Christianity and on the other slipped back to beliefs and practices in iigo
whenever there was a spiritual void not addressed by the Church. This created a
religious duality. These results confirm the second premise that the CSM's
interpretation of the beliefs and practices in iigo, practised by Gikiiyfi PCEA
Christians, was that of denigration rather than theological elucidation.
The study also explored, as third objective the determinants of vulnerability of
Gikiiyii PCEA Christians to the beliefs and practices in iigo despite Christian
281
evangelization. This was based on the premise that Gikfiyfi Presbyterian
Christians have recourse to iigo beliefs and practices despite continuous
denunciation by the Church. The study noted that there was a high level of
awareness of iigo among Christians concerning adherences. On the other hand,
the study observed, despite the awareness, Gikiiyii PCEA Christians still fear
activities connected with mystical powers, in particular curses, witchcraft,
ancestral spirits and taboos.
In this frame of thought, the study revealed that many Gikiiyii Christians live in
an untransformed indigenous worldview where they are yet to interpret the world
through Christ. Rather than interpret diseases and misfortunes through scientific
perspectives advocated by mission Christianity, they continue to pursue an iigo
dimension. The study also revealed that in Gikfiyfi understanding, regarding
health, illness and healing, there are some cases that defeat contemporary methods
of treatment. These are a reserve for Ago. This view is rooted in Gikiiyti
indigenous' disease-theory, which still lingers deeply in the minds of Christians,
despite more than 100 years of evangelization.
An analysis of existential needs that lead Glkiiyfi PCEA Christians to consult Ago
yielded various underlying reasons among them diseases, family conflicts,
barrenness and impotence, bewitchment and quest for power and prosperity. Such
issues and many others prompt Gikiiyfi PCEA Christians to continue indulging in
282
ilgo. In this regard, this study is in tune with the third premise that Gikfiyii
Presbyterian Christians have secretly continued to adhere to beliefs and practices
in iigo despite continuous condemnation of the practice.
The study further noted that, the Church can effectively handle Christians' needs,
if the Gikfiyfi worldview is transformed to experience Christ's sovereignty.
Consequently, inculturating Christianity into beliefs and practices in iigo is not
primarily a theoretical problem in an academic sense; rather, a theological
concern in a practical manner. As was demonstrated in ritual purification and
indigenous healing, the practical outcome of theory becomes a lived experience.
The fourth objective was Identify strategies the PCEA Church can put in place of
inculturating Christianity into beliefs and practices in iigo. The study proposed an
inculturation paradigm theory based on Niebuhr's missiological supposition;
Regarding beliefs and practices in iigo, the study identified three themes which
were ranked most highly as healing, ritual purification and exorcism respectively.
These would be ideal for inculturation.
The study purposively identified two themes in iigo beliefs and practices for the
purpose of inculturation, that is, ritual purification, which is incompatible with
biblical teaching and Baptism was found to be an appropriate replacement for it.
The study noted that such replacement could be achieved through an
283
incorporation of three positive elements of ritual purification that otherwise lack
in baptism. These are (i) Ago as divinely appointed by Ngai, (ii) use of water to
annul effects of curses and taboos and, (iii) counseling victims on how to avoid
future defilement. By so doing, inculturating ritual purification would be
achieved, hence bridge duality.
The study also suggested inculturation of contemporary healing into indigenous
healing through application of a similar theological analysis as followed in ritual
purification. However, unlike ritual purification, an indigenous healing process
was found to be compatible with the entire biblical investigation. It was therefore
suggested that integrating physical and spiritual aspects in the indigenous healing
process be exercised. This would be through recruitment of chaplains who have
spiritual capacity to play the role of Ago. These would also act as divine agents in
healing, as well as doctors and pastors, thereby penetrating the subconscious
levels of patients. In addition, the study noted, once prescription is made,
chaplains could be advising patients or relatives on the effect of prayer to be used
alongside medicine. Such acts, the study noted, would invoke God's power in
healing. The study also suggested that chaplains should be holding pastoral
counseling sessions with patients as a way of counteracting the root course of the
disease. By so doing, they would deal with the belief inherent among Gikiiyti
PCEA Christians that diseases would recur if mystical causes are not addressed.
Such actions would address an important fact in healing that portrays the spiritual
284
dimension of diseases, but rather lacks in contemporary medicine. By so doing,
Gikilyfl PCEA Christians would have wholistic lives.
5.4 Recommendations
In view of the study findings, the following recommendations are made:
First, the PCEA Church should develop policy guidelines through the Theological
Panel on doctrines that would provide central principles on inculturating
Christianity into beliefs and practices in iigo. Such a blueprint should not only
expound the intent of inculturation, but also the strategy of implementation. It
would portray the Church's commitment to inculturation. The document would
be useful to its' training institutions, among them Presbyterian University, Lay
Training Centre, Theological Education by Extension Department (TEE) and
Mission hospitals in particular, medical schools. Such a policy guidelines would
help the latter design courses for inculturation in their curricula, a move that
would equip graduates with adequate skills to undertake the task of inculturation
in their respective institutions.
Second, the PCEA should identify and appreciate the inculturation Christianity
into beliefs and practices in iigo and other indigenous cultural practices that do
not contravene biblical teaching. This would ensure that the Christian faith
285
becomes internalized and able to answer the existential needs of Gikfiyfi PCEA
Christians.
Third, inculturation being an on going process in any given culture, the PCEA
should be organizing seminars, retreats and workshops for pastors, elders and
group leaders36 to impress on them the importance of inculturation. Experts on
inculturation should be engaged to facilitate such fora in order to guide leaders in
promoting inculturation in their Churches. The PCEA parishes should also have
local persons as clergy who understand beliefs and practices in iigo and how they
can be inculturated. Such people should be trained on African culture and Biblical
interpretation in order to teach members the purposes and benefits of
inculturation.
Four, the theological Panel of the PCEA on doctrine should revise catechumen
materials on baptism with a view of integrating elements of Glkiiyti ritual
purification that are missing in missionary Christianity. Views like perception of
Ago as divinely appointed by Ngai, use of water to annul effects of curses and
taboos and, counseling victims on how to avoid defilement in future. By so doing,
Christianity would become an internalized religion among Gikfiyii PCEA
Christians as it would address their needs and aspirations.
36 Group leaders: A term used by the PCEAChurch to refer to those who lead church group
committees such as Woman's Guild, Youth, Presbyterian Church Men Fellowship (PCMF) and
Church school.
286
Five, the study also recommends that the PCEA Health Board should recruit
chaplains with spiritual capability to play the role of Ago as divine healing agents.
These chaplains should incorporate spiritual aspects typified by the indigenous
healing missing in contemporary medicine such as; advising the sick or relatives
on the power of prayer and read Biblical exhortations on healing in order to
energize medication. In addition, chaplains should be holding counseling sessions
with patients in order to deal with root causes of illness and take defensive
measures to prevent future recurrence. By so doing, the purpose intended by Ago
would be met. Consequently, a reversion to the same would be overcome, thereby
leading to wholistic Christian living.
5.5: Suggestions for further Research
First, the study addressed beliefs and practices in iigo as practiced by Gikiiyii
PCEA Christians. However, there are other cultural elements that were
condemned by missionaries but still continue to make Gikflyfl PCEA Christians
live in dualism. These include polygamy and dowry payment, among others.
There is need for further research to investigate how Christianity could be
inculturated into these elements to bridge the dual-religious mindset observed
among GIkUyiiPCEA Christians for Christianity to get meaning.
287
Second, this study also noted that Gikiiyii PCEA Christians suggested Christianity
be inculturated in exorcism. It is important to explore how this can be
inculturated. The aim is to put in place measures that can curb abuse of exorcisms
that are ubiquitous in many PCEA Churches, and which equally contribute to
religious dualism.
288
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GLOSSARY OF GiKUYU TERMS
Athiingii: All foreign white people
Gatahi: Midget horn used for rituals
Gikiiyii: The ancestral father of the Gikiiyii
Gikiiyii: One of the ethnic groups of the Central Bantus of
Kenya that is predominantly found in Central
Province of Kenya. Gikfiyil is also their language,
as well as geographical area they inhabit.
Giikuniira Miindii Miigo: The process of initiating a diviner-doctor (Miaidi;
Mugo) to the office of ugo Profession
Ira: A white magical powder extracted from the ground
and it looked like diatomite. Used in an almost all
purification ceremonies and every Miindii Miigo
possesses some.
Kia Mbiriiirii: Ngong hills.
Kia Njahi: Kilimambogo.
Kirinyaga: Mt. Kenya
Kirumi: A curse or a ban imposed by an older person to a
younger relative. In most cases, Kirumi becomes
effective after the announcer's death, hence it is
irreversible unless through ritual cleansing. Kirumi
308
was known to consume somebody slowly until
he/she wither and if cleansing was not done, the
sufferer eventually dead.
Magongona ma mucii: Rituals involving sacrifices and offerings used to
cleanse a house and its inhabitants.
Magongona ma Ngoma: Rituals involving sacrifices and offerings for the
departed members of the community.
Mbiigii: Pebbles used during divination.
Mbiiiithii ya Ndahikio: A small calabash in which purification water is
carried, and used to help the victim mockingly
vomit in to demonstrate ritual cleansing.
mbari: A lineage, family group.
Miigiro (pI migiro): A ban, a prohibition (taboo), or defilement.
Miigikiiyii Refers to an individual member of the Gikfiyii
ethnic group
Miigumo: A sacred tree, parasitic wild fig under which
sacrifices are offered to Ngai. Anyone who
desecrated mfigumo tree by cutting or breaking of
any of its branches or clearing the bush around it
was heavily fined and a sacrifice of purification had
to be done.
Miimbi: The ancestral mother of the Gikfiyfi
Mwano: Gourd used by Miindii Miigo for divination
Ndahikio: A ritual purification ceremony used to cleanse
types of ritual uncleanness because of one's action
against probations (taboos).
Ngai: Gikuyu name for Supreme Deity-God.
Ngoma: Spirits of the departed members of the community.
309
Missionaries used the term to refer to Satan/Devil
Ngoma cia aciari:
Ngoma cia ago:
Spirits of departed parents.
Spirits of departed medicine personnel.
Ngoma cia riika: Spirits of departed members of a certain age-set.
Ngondu The ingredients of undigested stomach contents
and bones of sacrificial goats or lamb, papyrus salt,
sugar canes, roots of sweet bananas, roots of the
wild raspberry among others.
Ruthuko A yellowish powder made from the bark of the
roots of the plant known as Miihukuura
Ugo: The art of interpreting supernatural and mysterious
causation and future events.
Urogi: Dangerous and destructive poison used for
nefarious purpose.
Uumu Red powder made from the bark of roots of the
flowering creeper called mutenda- mbogo.
Thahu: The consequences of -one's action against
prohibition or sin
310
APPENDIXl
Questionnairre for Ago
("I am Hezekiah Muraya, a doctoral student in the Department of
Philosophy and Religious Studies, of Kenyatta University. I am carrying out
a study on beliefs and practices in iigo among the Gikiiyii PCEA Christians. I
am doing research to establish the factors that have led Gikiiyii PCEA
Christians' adherence to beliefs and practices in iigo, the initial encounter
between Christianity and iigo and inculturation process. Kindly, therefore
respond to this questionnaire by ticking/filling the provided spaces as is
appropriate. The outcome of which will be a PhD thesis. Your views would
be of great help in this respect. I guarantee the confidentiality of your
responses and their use for no other purpose except for this academic
research. Thank you in advance for your assistance.")
Name) Age .
Marital status sex .
Educational level. .
Date Duration of interview .
1. Who is a "Miindii Miigo?"
2. How did iigo come into existence among the Gikiiyfl?
311
3. What rites of passage are necessary for one to qualify for the office of
ugo?
4. What stages are involved in the initiation of Ago?
5. In which ways do Ago receive "calling"?
If there is an inheritance system for Ago, how does it work? E.g. which child
inherits-the firstborn or the junior one?
6.· How long does apprenticeship process take before a person qualifies to
practice as a Miindii Mugo?
7. Would you be able to explain the rituals and ceremonies involved during
Milndii Miigo initiation ceremony?
8. How many clients do you see in a day? (a) 1 - 10
(c) above 21D
(b) 11-20 D
9. What are some of the issues they bring to you?
10. (I) What kind of people come to you? (a) ChristiansD
Christians D
(b) Non-
NYATTA 11NIVr :;.~iTVi iR~ACV
312
(ii) If the answer to number 11 is (a) how do you know them?
(iii)What are their problems?
11. What services do you offer to your clients?
12. Where does your power of dealing with people's problems come from?
(a) God
(b) ancestors 0 (c) devil 0 Tick where appropriate
[
13. What are causes of diseases and misfortune among the Gikiiyii people?
14. What methods do you use to deal with diseases and misfortunes?
Diseases Misfortunes
313
(ii) How do these methods differ from Western form of treatment?
15. Are there diseases perceived as mysterious among the Gikiiyfi people?
(i) Which are these diseases?
(ii) What causes these diseases?
(iii) How are the mysterious diseases treated?
16. At what instances were taboos applicable in traditional life?
17. (i) What is witchcraft?
(ii) How can witchcraft be prevented?
(iii) What protection do you give to those who seek protection against
witchcraft from you?
18. (i) What are curses?
(ii) Why were people cursed in Gikiiyii traditional society?
(iii) How was the effect of a curse removed from a victim?
(iv) In what circumstances are curses applicable today?
19. (i) Who are the Ancestors?
(ii) What roles did the ancestors play in Gikiiyii traditional belief
system?
20. (i) Are there instances where diseases and misfortunes are caused by
ancestral spirits?(a) Yes D (b) No D
(ii) If the answer is yes, please explain?
(iii) How were the ancestral spirits appeased in the traditional Gikfiyii
314
community?
21. (i) How were the mystical powers that pervade the universe perceived
by the traditional Gikfiyii Community?
(ii) Who were able to tap mystical powers in the traditional Gikiiyfl
(iii)
(iv) Community?
APPENDIX 2
Questionnaire for Pastors
("I am Hezekiah Muraya, a doctoral student in the Department of
Philosophy and Religious Studies, of Kenyatta University. 1 am carrying out
a study on beliefs and practices in iigo among the Gikiiyii PCEA Christians. 1
am doing research to establish the factors that have led Gikiiyii PCEA
Christians' adherence to beliefs and practices in iigo, the initial encounter
between Christianity and iigo and inculturation process. Kindly, therefore
respond to this questionnaire by ticking/filling the provided spaces as is
appropriate. The outcome of which will be a PhD thesis. Your views would
be of great help in this respect. 1 guarantee the confidentiality of your
responses and their use for no other purpose except for this academic
research. Thank you in advance for your assistance.")
Name) age .
Name of the parish Sex .
Highest education level attained:-
(a) Secondary (b) College (c) University (d) Others (specify)
1. How does the Church deal with those who consult Ago?
2. (i) Have you encountered members in your parish who have consulted
Ago?
315
(a)YesC] (b)No C]
(ii) If the answer is yes, how did you "detect" them?
Source of information Tick where appropriate
Informed by other Christians
Confession of members during counseling
Exposed by their business rivals or competitors in
matter of love
Others
3. (i) Give as many reasons as possible why you think Gikiiyfi Christians
consultAgo.
4. What is the policy of the PCEA Church regarding inculturation of
Christianity?
5. Are there some efforts of inculturation of Christianity in the local
Churches in PCEA Church?
6. (i) Are there beliefs and practices in iigo that have been inculturated into
Christianity? (a)Yes 0 No C]
316
(ii) If Yes, which ones?
(iii) If No, which of the following reasons given below would you think
have hindered the inculturation of the beliefs and practices in iigo?
(Tick the appropriate answers)
Factors Tick where appropriate
1. Inherent wrong meanings of iigo, e.g.
regarded as witchcraft or sorcery.
2. Fear of syncretism - some beliefs and
practices in iigo are too riddled with
mysticism and magical elements.
3. Viewed by the Church leadership as steeped
in evil practices.
4. Fear of reviving the bygone era in name of
inculturation.
5. Ugo viewed as a form of superstition.
6. Others (i)
(ii)
7. Which images or ideas given below do you think Ago share with Christ (Tick
the appropriate answer [s])
317
Images or ideas that Ago share with Christ.
1. Healing
2. Purification/sanctification
3. Spiritual guidance
4. Moralleadership
5. Mediators between God and
humanity
6. Counseling
Tick where appropriate
(i) Which beliefs and practices in iigo given below would you like be inculturated
into
Christianity? (Tick the appropriate answer[ s])
Beliefs and practices in ilgo Tick where appropriate
1. Exorcism
2. Purification
3. Indigenous Healing
4. Others (i)
(ii)
(iii)
(ii) What reasons would you give for the answers in no.9 (i)? (Tick all that
apply)
318
1. Exorcism
Nature of influence
1. Protection against the gratuitous, maverick
evil spirits
2. To invoke the spiritual world to act in their
favor
3. To vanquish deadly regions of spiritual
forces that constantly harass Christians and
entangle them in great pain
2. Ritual Purification
Nature of influence
1. When harm or impurities have been
contracted by an individual
2. Protect a person or family from the effects of
Tick where appropriate
Tick where
appropriate
319
ritual impurities
3. To re-admit into regular society the cleansed
person or persons
4. Others (i)
(ii)
(iii)
3. Indigenous Healing
Nature of influence
1. Physical and Spiritual Healing service
2. Provider of protective medicine
3. Medicines to enhance fertility of land,
livestock and people
4. Others (i)
(ii)
(iii)
Tick where appropriate
320
APPENDIX 3
Questionnaire for Church Elders
("I am Hezekiah Muraya, a doctoral student in the Department of
Philosophy and Religious Studies, of Kenyatta University. 1 am carrying out
a study on beliefs and practices in iigo among the Gikfiyfi PCEA Christians. 1
am doing research to establish the factors that have led Gikfiyfi PCEA
Christians' adherence to beliefs and practices in iigo, the initial encounter
between Christianity and iigo and inculturation process. Kindly, therefore
respond to this questionnaire by ticking/filling the provided spaces as is
appropriate. The outcome of which will be a PhD thesis. Your views would
be of great help in this respect. 1 guarantee the confidentiality of your
responses and their use for no other purpose except for this academic
research. Thank you in advance for your assistance.")
Name age .
Name of the Parish Sex .
Education level. Occupation .
Congregation Parish .
Date Duration of Interview .
1. (i) What was the general attitude of the missionaries towards the indigenous
beliefs and practices such as iigo? (a) Negative D (b) Positive D
(ii) Give reasons for your answers.
321
2. (i) Did the missionaries require the converts to abandon the beliefs and
Practices in figo? a)Yes D (b) No D
(ii) Give reasons for your answers.
(3) Which of the following approaches given below did the missionaries use to
ensure that the converts abandoned the beliefs and practices in ugo? (Tick the
appropriate answers)
Approaches used in evangelizing the Tick where appropriate
Gikuyu
1. Tumutumu Mission Station
2. Churches
3. Mission Out- Schools
4. Western Medicine
5. Others
(ii) How was each approach effective in eradicating the beliefs and
practices in Iigo? (explain, giving reasons)
4. How does the Church deal with those who are involved in ugo?
5. (i) Have you encountered any member in your parish who have consulted
Ago?
(a)Yes D (b) N0D
(i) If the answer is yes, how did you "detect" them?
322
Source of information Tick where appropriate
Informed by other Christians
Confession of members during counseling
Exposed by their business rivals or competitors in
matter of love
Others
6. (i) Give as many reasons as possible why you think Gikiiyu Christians
consult Ago.
7. What is the policy of the PCEA Church regarding inculturation of
Christianity?
8. Are there some efforts of inculturation of Christianity in the local Churches
in PCEA Church?
9. (i) Are there beliefs and practices in iigo that have been inculturated into
Christianity? (a)Yes D (b) No D
(ii) If Yes, which ones?
323
(iii) If No, which of the following reasons given below would you think
have hindered the inculturation of the beliefs and practices in iigo?
(Tick the appropriate answers)
Factors Tick where appropriate
1. Inherent wrong meanings of iigo, e.g.
regarded as witchcraft or sorcery.
2. Fear of syncretism - some beliefs and
practices in iigo are too riddled with
mysticism and magical elements.
3. Viewed by the Church leadership as steeped
in evil practices.
4. Fear of reviving the bygone era in name of
inculturation.
5. ago viewed as a form of superstition.
6. Others (i)
(ii)
10. Which images or ideas given below do you think Ago share with Christ
(Tick the appropriate answer[ s])
Images or ideas that Ago share with Christ.
6. Healing
7. Purification/sanctification
8. Spiritual guidance
9. Moralleadership
Tick where appropriate
324
10. Mediators between God and humanity
11. Counseling
12. (i) Which beliefs and practices in iigo given below would you like
inculturated into Christianity? (Tick the appropriate answer [s])
Beliefs and practices in iigo Tick where appropriate
1. Exorcism
2. Purification
3. Indigenous Healing
4. Others (i)
(ii)
(iii)
(iii) What reasons would you give for the answers in no.12 (i)? (Tick all
that apply)
1. Exorcism
Nature of influence Tick where
appropriate
1. Protection against the gratuitous, maverick evil spirits
2. To invoke the spiritual world to act in their favor
3. To vanquish deadly regions of spiritual forces that
constantly harass Christians and entangle them in great
pam
4. Others (i)
(ii)
(iii)
325
2. Ritual Purification
Nature of influence
1. When harm or impurities have been
contracted by an individual
2. Protect a person or family from the effects
of ritual impurities
3. To re-admit into regular society the
cleansed person or persons
4. Others (i)
(ii)
(iii)
3. Indigenous Healing
Nature of influence
1. Physical and Spiritual Healing service
2. Provider of protective medicine
Tick where
appropriate
Tick where appropriate
326
3. Medicines to enhance fertility of land,
livestock and people
4. Others (i)
(ii)
APPENDIX 4
Questionnaire for Ordinary Church Members
("I am Hezekiah Muraya, a doctoral student in the Department of
Philosophy and Religious Studies, of Kenyatta University. 1 am carrying out
a study on beliefs and practices in iigo among the Gikiiyii PCEA Christians. 1
am doing research to establish the factors that have led Gikiiyii PCEA
Christians' adherence to beliefs and practices in figo, the initial encounter
between Christianity and iigo and inculturation process. Kindly, therefore
respond to this questionnaire by ticking/filling the provided spaces as is
appropriate. The outcome of which will be a PhD thesis. Your views would
be of great help in this respect. 1 guarantee the confidentiality of your
responses and their use for no other purpose except for this academic
research. Thank you in advance for your assistance.")
Name age .
Name of the Parish Sex .
Education level. Occupation .
Congregation Parish .
Date Duration of Interview .
1. Have you ever heard of Ago? (a) Yes (b)0 o
2. Which of the following mass media given below has been your source of
information on Ago?
327
Source Tick where appropriate
1. Friends
2. Radio
3. Church
4. Television
5. Print media
6. Public meetings (barazas)
7. Funerals
8. weddings
9. Others (i)
(ii)
(iii)
3. (i) Are there Christians today who still consult Ago? (Tick where
appropriate)
(a) Yes D (b) No D Tick where appropriate
(ii) If the answer is yes, how did you "detect" them?
4. (i) Do Christians fear curses, witchcraft and taboo? (Tick where
appropriate)
(a) Yes D (b) No D
(i) If the answer is yes, where do they go to seek for help when cursed
or bewitched? (Tick where appropriate)
328
(a) Church D (b) Hospital
above D
o Ago (011 of the
(iii) Give reasons for your answers.
5. (i) Some of the cases handled by Ago defeats conventional doctors
(a) True D (b) False D
(ii) Explain your answer
6. (i) Give as many reasons as possible why you think Gikiiyii Christians
consult Ago
7. (i) Have you ever benefited from the services offered by Ago? (Tick where
appropriate)
(a) Yes D (b) No D
8. Which images or ideas given below do you think Ago share with Christ (Tick
the appropriate answer [s])
Images or ideas that Ago share with Christ.
12. Healing
13. Purification/sanctification
14. Spiritual guidance
15. Moral leadership
16. Mediators between God and humanity
17. Counseling
Tick where appropriate
329
9. (i) Have you ever heard ofPCEA inculturation procedure?
(a)Yes D (b) No D
10. (ii) If the answer is yes, indicate your source of information ( Tick the
appropriate answer [s] below
Source of information Frequency Tick where
appropriate
Seminars
Preaching
General Assembly or General Administrative
Committees' circulars to congregations
PCEA Jitegemea magazines
Others (i)
(ii)
(iii)
(i) Which beliefs and practices in iigo given below would you like be inculturated
into Christianity? (Tick the appropriate answer[ s])
Beliefs and Practices of ilgo Tick where
appropriate
1. Exorcism
2. Purification
3. Indigenous Healing
4. Others (i)
(ii)
330
(iii)
(ii) What reasons would you give for the answers in no.ll (i)? (Tick all
that apply)
A. Exorcism
Nature of influence Tick where
appropriate
1. Protection against the gratuitous, maverick
evil spirits
2. To invoke the spiritual world to act in their
favor
3. To vanquish deadly regions of spiritual
forces that constantly harass Christians and
entangle them in great pain
4. Others (i)
(ii)
(iii)
331
B. Ritual Purification
Nature of influence
1. When harm or impurities have been
contracted by an individual
2. Protect a person or family from the effects of
ritual impurities
3. To readmit into regular society the cleansed
person or persons
4. Others (i)
(ii)
(iii)
C. Indigenous Healing
Nature of influence
1. Physical and Spiritual Healing service
2. Provider of protective medicine
Tick where
appropriate
Tick where appropriate
332
3. Medicines to enhance fertility of land,
livestock and people
4. Others (i)
(ii)
APPENDIX 5
LIST OF RESPONDENTS
These are the list of names of respondents who accepted that their particulars be
included in this work. Following are their particulars in this order: Name, date of
interview, Occupation and age.
List of Ordinary Church Members
NO. NAME DATE OF OCCUPATION AGE
INTERVIEW
1. Robert Wamathai 118110 Businessman 59
2. Joseph W. Ndumia 118/10 Businessman 50
3. Miriam Kamau 118110 Teacher 24
4. Damaris Maina 118110 Student 19
5. Kenneth Muturi 118/10 Student 19
6. Irene Muturi 118110 Civil Servant 48
7. Catherine Nyambura 1/8110 Businesslady 55
8. Lydiah M. Kariuki 1/8/10 Civil Servant 39
9. Samuel Muhoro 118/10 Civil Servant 49
10. Samuel Mburu 118/10 Civil Servant 33
11. Hezekiah Kamau 1/8/10 Teacher 33
12. Jane Muthui 118/10 Teacher 41
13. Susan Kambui 118110 Civil Servant 39
14. Joe Ndiritu 1/8110 Teacher 30
15. Joyce Wainaina 1/8110 Teacher 27
16. Lydia Njeri Waititu 118110 Student 20
17. Nancy Kamau 1/8110 Civil Servant 45
18. Sally Gicheru 1/8/10 Student 18
19. Elizabeth Muringa 1/8110 Farmer 90
20. Nancy Njoki 1/8110 Civil Servant 45
21. Paul Ngatia Mathai 1/8/10 Civil Servant 51
22. Tabitha W. Gathungu 118110 Civil Servant 53
23. Thomas Ndungu 118110 Businessman 47
333
24. Stephen Wanjohi 118110 Businesslady 45
25. Eunice Nyambura 118110 Businesslady 50
Mwangi
26. Charles Wachiuri 118/10 Farmer 60
King'ori
27. Laban Githogo 118/10 Civil Servant 46
28. Andrew Wamai 1/8/10 Businessman 57
29. Susan Wambui 118110 Businesslady 57
30. Moses Muiguithia Njogu 118110 Businessman 49
31. Mary Ngunjiri 118110 Businesslady 45
32. Rebecca Nyokabi 118110 Farmer 79
33. Sophia Kimani 118/10 Farmer 92
34. Mercy Muriithi 1/8110 Businesslady 65
35. Edwin Kimani 1/8110 Civil Servant 57
36. Keziah Wangari 1/8110 Businesslady 46
37. Esther Wangeci 1/8110 Civil Servant 34
38. Agnes Njeri 1/8110 Civil Servant 35
39. Mercy Waiganjo 1/8110 Civil Servant 26
40. Marion Muthoni 1/8110 Farmer 63
41. Peter Mburu 1/8/10 Farmer 71
42. Rose Waitetu 118/10 Businesslady 29
43. Ann Njoki 118110 Teacher 34
44. Julius Gathogo 118/10 Teacher 30
45. Jacob Waruhiu 118/10 Civil Servant 51
46. Margaretmurigi 118/10 Civil Servant 48
47. Peterson Gitahi 1/8/10 Farmer 68
48. Marion Ndoria 118110 Businessman 48
49. Grace Kanagu 118/10 Businessman 44
50. Ann Nganga 1/8/10 Teacher 38
51. Winfred Kariithi 1/8110 Teacher 39
52. Isaac Ikaria 1/8/10 Teacher 40
53. Eric Kuria 1/8110 Civil Servant 41
54. James Ndungu 1/8110 Businessman 42
55. Jacob Githiora 1/8110 Civil Servant 47
56. Enoch Kinuthia 1/8110 Civil Servant 49
57. Ann Kahianyu 1/8/10 Doctor 66
58. John Njuguna 118110 Teacher 21
59. John Mwangi 8/8/10 Student 22
60. Joel Gachau 8/8/10 Student 20
61. John Gachau 8/8/10 Student 19
62. Nancy Njoki 8/8/10 Teacher 41
63. Ephraim Karimi Minja 8/8110 Teacher 34
64. Teresa Kimondo 8/8110 Businesslady 27
65. Jane Wangeci 8/8110 Civil Servant 46
334
66. Nancy Wanjiku 8/8110 Civil Servant 40
67. Jane Wakeru Waigwa 8/8110 Civil Servant 43
68. Josephine Kamau 8/8110 Teacher 23
69. Irene Ndung'u 8/8110 Teacher 45
70. John Ngumi 8/8110 Farmer 73
7l. Christine Ndun'u 8/8110 Farmer 64
72. Peter Rituo 8/8110 Teacher 44
73. Gitahi Ndungu 8/8110 Student 42
74. Florence Ndungu 8/8110 Civil Servant 43
75. Rebecca Wambui 8/8110 Civil Servant 26
76. Adriene Nganga 8/8110 Farmer 34
77. Margaret Nduta 8/8110 Civil Servant 36
78. George Mutegi 8/8110 Civil Servant 44
79. Leah Kanagu 8/8/10 Civil Servant 35
80. Jane Wambui 8/8110 Businesslady 49
8l. Mercy Wanjiru 8/8110 Businesslady 28
82. Rose Njuguna 8/8/10 Businesslady 32
83. Ruth Njuguna 8/8110 Businesslady 42
84. Samuel Mburu 8/8110 Businessman 29
85. Peterson Kariuki 8/8110 Driver 43
86. Hannah Mwangi 8/8110 Businessman 56
87. Phillip Muiruri 8/8110 Farmer 60
88. Moses Mwangi 8/8110 Farmer 52
89. Grace Kabui 8/8110 Businesslady 43
90. Lydia Njoki 8/8/10 Civil Servant 29
9l. James Muiruri 8/8/10 Businesslady 44
92. Ann Nyokabi 8/8/10 Civil Servant 37
93. Moses Mwaura 8/8110 Civil Servant 41
94. Mary Miimbi 1417110 Farmer 79
95. Charles Kinyua 1517110 Businessman 75
96. Ann Wangui 1517110 Businesslady 43
97. Rahab Wairimu 1817110 Businesslady 60
98. N. Githenya 1817/10 Businesslady 59
99. Peter Muya Wangai 1817/10 Driver 38
100. Ken Wagura 1817110 Businessman 55
10l. Jane Wanjohi 1817110 Businesslady 70
102. James Wairagu 1817110 Civil Servant 43
103. John Kamiru 1817110 Businesslady 53
104. Karanja Patrick 1817110 Civil Servant 23
Mathenge
105. James Karanja 1817110 Civil Servant 35
106. Joel Githinji 1817/10 Farmer 71
107. Monicah Wanjiku 1817110 Student 18
108. Wilson Mwago 1817110 Student 22
335
109. Lilian Muriuki 18/7/10 Businesslady 32
110. Elizabeth Kinuthia 18/7/10 Civil Servant 35
111. Harry Waruingi 18/7/10 Driver 26
112. Phyllis Mbui 18/7/10 Civil Servant 27
113. Esther Maina 18/7/10 Civil Servant 33
114. Margaret Wagio 18/7/10 Civil Servant 43
115. Faith Wahu 18/7/10 Farmer 45
116. Ann Njuguna 18/7/10 Farmer 46
117. Teresa W. Thing'o 20/7/10 Businesslady 48
118. Francis C. Githiomi 20/7/10 Farmer 63
119. Jackson Wachira 22/7/10 Farmer 55
120. Julius G. Macharia 25/7/10 Civil Servant 31
121. Cyrus Maina 25/7/10 Farmer 65
122. Samuel Muiru 25/7/10 Businessman 48
123. Ezekiel Waweru 25/7/10 Student 19
124. Lucy Wahito Kimondo 25/7/10 Businessman 45
125. Naomi Wanjiru 25/7/10 Teacher 48
126. Evah M. Maina 25/7/10 Farmer 68
127. Grace Ndirangu 25/7/10 Teacher 41
128. Murithi Theuri 25/7/10 Civil Servant 55
129. Stanley Kanyi Wambugu 25/7/10 Businessman 50
130. James Maina Kibuthu 25/7/10 Civil Servant 26
131. Samuel W. Wahenya 25/7/10 Civil Servant 47
132. Stanley W. Kangema 25/7/10 Doctor 60
133. Charles M. Gakuu 25/7/10 Teacher 65
134. Fredrick Kabiru Muriithi 25/7/10 Teacher 65
135. Charles Waihenya 25/7/10 Driver 18
136. Samuel Kahenya 25/7/10 Civil servant 32
137. Jane Kang' ara 25/7/10 Civil Servant 18
138. Robert Wachirandee 25/7/10 Businessman 57
139. Deamco Mukuhi 25/7/10 Farmer 85
140. Jackson Wamithi 25/7/10 Businessman 60
141. Joseph Wambugu 25/7/10 Businessman 45
142. Carol Mwangi 25/7/10 Student 18
143. Jacqueline Njogu 25/7/10 Businesslady 23
144. LucyWambui 25/7/10 Student 19
145. Monicah Nyokabi 25/7/10 Student 18
146. Joyce Wambui Maina 25/7/10 Farmer 48
147. Wilson Kimotho Kibira 25/7/10 Farmer 80
148. Susan Wanjiku Kiragu 25/7/10 Civil Servant 50
149. Josephine Nyambura 25/7/10 Businesslady 24
150. Anne Njeri 25/7/10 Civil Servant 42
151. Ann Wambui Mwangi 25/7/10 Civil Servant 56
152. Pauline Wangui 25/7/10 Farmer 45
336
153. Nancy Thiong'o 25/7/10 Student 18
154. Jane Miimbi 25/7/10 Businesslady 35
155. John Migwi 25/7/10 Businesslady 31
156. Eunice Nyokabi Nginga 25/7/10 Businesslady 41
157. Faith Waruguru 25/7/10 Driver 37
158. Jane Wamucii 25/7/10 Businesslady 65
159. Cecilia Waithira 25/7/10 Businesslady 54
160. Jennifer Wangari 25/7/10 Doctor 50
Wakabochi
161. Grace W. Ngara 25/7/10 Clinical Officer 42
162. Paul Wanjohi 25/7/10 Civil Servant 50
163. Margaret W. K 25/7/10 Farmer 67
164. Teresiah Wangui 25/7/10 Teacher 28
165. Ann Wangechi 25/7/10 Teacher 38
166. Nancy Wambui 25/7/10 Civil Servant 47
167. Jane Nyawira Warui 25/7/10 Doctor 50
168. Jane Irene Waruguru 25/7/10 Teacheer 41
169. Joseph Githaiga Ndegwa 25/7/10 Farmer 48
170. Robert Gaceru 25/7/10 Farmer 64
171. Rebecca M. Wachira 25/7/10 Farmer 60
172. Juliah Maina 26/7/10 Civil Servant 45
173. Stephen Wachira 26/7/10 Teacher 33
174. Victoria Wambui 26/7/10 Teacher 40
175. Sophia Wanjiru 26/7/10 Teacher 44
176. Nancy Kiragu 26/7/10 Civil Servant 54
177. David Wanjiru 26/7/10 Civil Servant 42
178. Beatrice Wangui 26/7/10 Teacher 32
179. Samuel Njuguna 26/7/10 Teacher 33
180. Naomi Waweru 26/7/10 Farmer 67
181. Mary Wairimu 26/7/10 Farmer 65
182. Joyce Kahoro 26/7/10 Farmer 49
183. Doris Wahome 26/7/10 Civil Servant 38
184. Dickson Muthoni 26/7/10 Farmer 42
185. Andrew Nyawira 26/7/10 Businessman 51
186. Elizabeth Nyaga 26/7/10 Businesslady 52
187. Joan Wanyeki 8/8/10 Businesslady 29
188. Sophia Mwihaki 8/8/10 Teacher 28
189. Ruth Wangui 8/8/10 Farmer 33
190. Anthony Kamau 8/8/10 Teacher 30
191. Njoroge Mwaura 8/8/10 Civil Servant 34
192. Joseph Njuguna 8/8/10 Businessman 26
193. Esther Waithira 8/8/10 Civil Servant 35
194. Joyce Nyagaki 8/8/10 Civil Servant 30
195. Kamau Ngunjiri 8/8/10 Doctor 35
337
196. Miriam W. Murigu 8/8110 Teacher 50
197. Simon Njuguna 8/8110 Teacher 66
198. Miriam Wangari 8/8110 Civil Servant 25
199. Timothy Ndiritu 8/8110 Farmer 71
200. Esther Nyagituthi 8/8/10 Farmer 82
20l. Grace Wangari 8/8/10 Businessman 25
202. Susan Wamiti 8/8/10 Farmer 60
203. Ruth Wamiti 8/8110 Farmer 70
204. Charity Wangari 8/8/10 Farmer 90
Wamunyu
205. Wanjiku Wanjohi 8/8110 Farmer 53
206. Joshua Thuo 15/8/10 Teacher 50
207. Naomi Nyambura 15/8/10 Farmer 82
208. Joyce Wanjiru Mugambi 15/8110 Farmer 79
209. Rose Maina 15/8110 Farmer 65
210. Joyce Wambui 15/8/10 Civil Servant 27
21l. Everln Kamau 15/8110 Driver 43
212. Esther Wamuyu Wanjohi 15/8110 Teacher 44
213. Charles Gathuri 15/8110 Teacher 70
214. Kariuki Mathanga 15/8/10 Driver 87
Wambeu
215. Patrick Gachangi 15/8110 Civil servant 31
216. Johnson Gichangi 15/8110 Civil Servant 71
Kariuki
217. Lucy 15/8/10 Businesslady 45
218. Wakagori 15/8/10 Farmer 55
219. Everlyne 15/8/10 Farmer 94
220. David Karoko Mutungu 15/8/10 Farmer 72
22l. Rahab Nyarugi King'ori 15/8110 Farmer 80
222. Geoffrey Kabaki Wamai 15/8110 Farmer 63
223. James Kimani 15/8110 Civil Servant 58
224. Charles Maina 15/8110 Student 60
225. Wilson Gachagua 15/8110 Farmer 65
Ngunjiri
226. Francis Chege M 15/8/10 Farmer 50
227. Julius Maina Mbata 15/8/10 Civil Servant 49
228. Livingstone Njoroge 15/8/10 Businessman 65
229. John King'ori Macharia 15/8/10 Farmer 60
230. Moses Maina Karuga 15/8/10 Teacher 45
23l. Jane Wanjiru 15/8110 Civil Servant 38
232. Ndung'u Daniel 15/8110 Teacher 26
233. Robert Mithamo 15/8110 Teacher 30
234. Daniel Ndung'u M. 15/8110 Farmer 27
235. George Mwangi 15/8/10 Farmer 27
338
236. Philip Wang'ondu 15/8/10 Farmer 25
Ndiritu
237. James Kariuki 15/8/10 Civil Servant 31
238. Andrew Kuria 15/8/10 Farmer 70
239. Christine N. Ngunjiri 15/8/10 Teacher 54
240. Mary Wanjira King'ori 15/8/10 Teacher 57
241. Margaret Ngaruiya 15/8/10 Farmer 62
242. Paul Nyoike 15/8/10 Farmer 65
243. Lucy W. Maina 15/8/10 Student 17
244. Irene Waheire 15/8/10 Farmer 59
245. Irene Wahome 15/8/1 0 Civil servant 52
246. Esther Wambui 15/8/10 Businesslady 26
247. Pauline Njoki 15/8/10 Businesslady 25
248. Wanja Kaburu 15/8/10 Civil Servant 28
249. Jennifer Wachira 15/8/10 Farmer 40
250. Jane Nyawira 15/8/10 Businesslady 42
251. Grace Kamau 15/8/10 Businesslady 36
252. Mary N. Ndungu 15/8/10 Farmer 42
253. Susan Kuria 15/8/10 Businesslady 21
254. Susan Wanjira 15/8/10 Student 19
255. Jane Wangui Wangechi 15/8/10 Student 17
256. Daisy Muthee 15/8/10 Student 19
257. Lilian N. Muthee 15/8/10 Student 21
258. Jackline Wangari 15/8/10 Student 21
259. Racheal Maina 15/8/10 Student 22
260. Lucy Nyokabi 15/8/10 Student 19
261. Samson Mutahi 15/8/10 Student 18
262. Paul Thiong'o 15/8/10 Teacher 23
263. Micheal Karani 15/8/10 Teacher 27
264. Simon Theuri 15/8/10 Clinical Officer 26
265. Anthony Riunge 15/8/10 Driver 26
266. Lawrence Muraya 15/8/10 Student 19
267. Joshua M. Kiruithi 11/7/10 Farmer 70
268. Miriam Wairimu 11/7/10 Farmer 65
269. Grace Wangui 11/7/10 Teacher 46
270. Lucy Wangari 11/7/10 Teacher 25
271. Agnes Gathoni Muriuki 11/7/10 Farmer 59
272. Irene W. Maina 11/7/10 Farmer 50
273. Jecinta N. Muya 11/7/10 Teacher 40
274. Moses Kimani 11/7/10 Businessman 35
275. Jane Ngunjiri 11/7/10 Businesslady 38
276. Evelyn Wambui Ngunyi 11/7/10 Businesslady 62
277. Njeri Kamau 11/7/10 Businesslady 45
278. Peter N. Wachira 11/7/10 Farmer 63
339
279. Duncan Kang'ethe 1117110 Farmer 42
280. Simon Muriuki Wagura 1117110 Businesslady 35
28l. Joy Waithera 1117110 Civil Servant 36
282. Monicah Waruguru 1117110 Businesslady 38
Githinji
283. Grace Wanja 1117110 Civil Servant 31
284. Nazarene W. Ndiritu 1117110 Civil Servant 61
285. John Mwangi 1117/10 Civil Servant 48
286. Mary Nyoike 1117/10 Businesslady 41
287. Rosemary Kamunja 1117/10 Businesslady 45
288. Charles Ndanyu 12/8110 Pastor 63
289. Peter Kihumba 12/8110 Pastor 67
290. Bernard Muindi 12/8110 Pastor 73
29l. Mercy Gichimu 12/8110 Pastor 44
292. Miriam Njuguna 12/8110 Pastor 37
293. Nancy Mwangi 12/8110 Pastor 36
294. Peter Munge (elder) 2517110 Farmer 84
295. Nahashon Ciuri (elder) 2517110 Farmer 78
296. Grace Baragu (elder) 2517110 Farmer 76
297. Jusufu Mwangi (elder) 2517110 Farmer 81
298. Mary Wakarendu (elder) 2517/10 Farmer 79
299. Hanna Wangari (elder) 2517110 Farmer 83
300. Ndogo Kanyeki 14/8/10 Miindii Miigo 96
30l. Wanjau Thogo 14/8/10 Miindii Miigo 74
302. Wangechi Bebeta 14/8/10 Miindii Miigo 69
303. Wanjiru Nduhiu 14/8110 Miindii Miigo 77
304. Mwaniki Muthaki 14/8110 Miindii Miigo 82
305. Wairimu Mugo 14/8110 Milndii Miigo 81
340
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