THE AGIKUYU CONCEPT OF THAHU AND ITS BEARING
ON THE BIBLICAL CONCEPT OF SIN
LYDIA WAKANYI-KAHINDI
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the
Degree of Master of Arts at
Kenyatta University
May 1988
Wakanyi-Kahindi,
The Agikuyu concept
of thahu and its
111111111111~III~~ !llllllm I~III~~!'~91/194988
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Declaration
Dedication
Abbreviations
....
Abstract
Acknowledgement
Map: Position of Kiambu, Nyeri and Muranga Districts
~..
in Kenya ~••
CHAPTER ONE: GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1:1 Agikuyu Religiosity
1:2 Statement of the problem
1:3 The Purpose of the study
1:4 Significance of the study
1:5 Conceptual Framework
1:6 Area of study
1:7 Research Methodology
1:8 Limitations of the study
1:9 Research Premises
1:10 Definition of Principle terms
1:11 Review of Related Literature
CHAPTER TWO: THE MAJOR CAUSES OF THAHU AND THE
MAJOR PURIFICATION CEREMONIES
2:1 Relationship between Thahu, Mugiro and Kirumi
2:2 The major causes of Thahu
2:3 The Purification ceremonies
CHAPTER THREE: COMPARING THAHU AND SIN
3.1 The Agikuyu sense of responsibility and duty,
hospitality and generosity
Functions of Mugiro as a basis for morality among the
Agikuyu
Similarities and differences between the Israelites' Law
and the Agikuyu Prohibitions
The Nature and Reality of Sin and Thahu
Actual and Original Sin as compared to Thahu
(3:2
3:3
3:4
3:5
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ii
Hi
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v
vii
ix
1
1
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4
5
6
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8
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13
24
24
27
36
51
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53
'" 56
62
65
Page
3:6 The Role played by the cleansing ceremonies and
repentance . .-.
3:7 The significance of Taatha •••
67
69
CHAPTER FOUR: VIEWS ON SIN AND THAHU IN OUR
CONTEMPORARYSOClliTY 71
71
79
4:1 How sin is viewed in contemporary society
4:2 Contemporary Beliefs in Thahu
4:3 Thahu and sin viewed as causes of communcal disasters
and their Remedies
4:4 Parents and Teachers as moral leaders today •••
81
85
CHAPTER FIVE
5:1 Conclusion
5:2 Contribution
5:3 Future Prospectus
90
92
93
List of Respondents
Glossary
Bibliography
94
96
99
iThis thesis has been submitted for examination with our
approval as University Supervisors
DR. NDIRANGU-KIHARA
DR. P. WASSWA MPAGI
11
DECLARATION:
This thesis is my original work and has not been presented for
a degree in any other University
WAKANYI-KAHINDI LYDIA
iii
DEDICATION
This thesis is dedicated to:-
1. My loving parents, Mr. John Kahindi and Mrs. Theresia Kahindi,
whose tireless efforts and self-denial enabled me to have a
strong educational and moral background. What I am, is built
upon the foundation they laid. My success is rooted in their
hard work. May God bless my Mum and rest my late Dad's soul
in eternal peace.
2. My lovely son, J.R. Kahindi, who daily revitalizes my hopes
and rekindles my life with happiness.
iv
ABBREVIA TIONS
0.1.
C.P.K.
Oral information
Church of the Province of Kenya (also known
as the Anglican Church)
Father (Catholic Priest)
Reverend
Fr~
Rev.
vABSTRACT:
This study attempted to analyze the Agikuyu concept ofthahu
in relation to the Christian concept of sin thus drawing the similarities
and differences. The term thahu is taken to mean the consequence
of one's action against a prohibition. The prohibitions (migiro) and
curses (irumi) are among the major causes of thahu. The Agikuyu
concept of ~ is closely related to the Christian concept of sin
in that both cause separation and alienation between the offenders
and God and the rest of humanity.
The study is divided into five chapters. The first chapter
introduces the study and gives a brief survey of the Agikuyu religiosity.
The views expressed by various scholars on sin, taboo and thahu are
reviewed.
Chapter two analyzes the relationship between thahu, kirumi
and mugiro in terms of their causes and effects. The chapter also
identifies and describes the major causes of thahu and the purification
ceremonies. Chapter two ends with an assertion that thahu is not
synonymous to mugiro and kirumi but mugiro and kirumi are among
the causes of fhahu,---
The third chapter compares thahu and sin in terms of their
causes and effects. Comparisons are drawn between the Agikuyu
prohibitions and the law of Moses as outlined in the book of Leviticus.
The theological concept of original sin is also compared to thahu,
The chapter draws the conclusion that in both sin and thahu, separation
and alienation are experienced by the offender and that the offender
has to take the initiative to seek purification.
VI
Chapter four highlights the views expressed by members of
our contemporary Kenyan society concerning sin and thahu. The
chapter as well outlines cases of thahu and sin viewed as causes of
communal disasters in both the traditional and contemporary society.
Chapter four also discusses the role played by parents, teachers and
religious leaders in providing moral education for the youth today.
The fifth chapter is a conclusion which gives the major findings
of the study. Thahu is related to mugiro and kirumi in terms of their
causes and effects but the three terms are not synonymous. Thahu
which is the consequence of one's action against a prohibition was
a major means of enhancing moral uprightness among the Agikuyu.
In both thahu and sin, the elements of disorder and disintegration
are introduced and separation emphasized.
vii
Acknow ledgement:
This work has resulted from the generous contributions of many
people, with whom I have interacted in my daily endeavours. These
people have had a lot to offer for the enrichment of my experience
and growth. The names mentioned here are, a mere representation
of many others to whom I will always be profoundly indebted and
grateful.
I wish to record my debt of gratitude first to: Kenyatta
University for awarding me a scholarship to study for a Masters' degree.
To the Teachers' Service Commission for granting me a study .Ieave,
Secondly, my debt of gratitude to my University supervisors, Dr.
Ndirangu-Kihara and Dr. Wasswa Mpagi for their constructive criticism,
patience and keen observations.
My heartfelt gratitude must go to my sisters and my brothers
who have never let me down. I thank them for their everlasting love
and support, and for their ability to continue thinking up incredible
words of encouragement.
I have to thank Mrs. Alice Kigondu together with her sons and
daughters for their efforts to introduce me to elders at the dawn
of the fieldwork research. I also thank Wambui Kiburi, Mrs. Gladys
Kariuki, Fr. Wamukami, and Fr. Kahurani, just to mention a few,
for similar efforts.
I am indeed indebted to Mrs. Grace Maloba who typed this final
manuscript. I must thank my friend and colleague, Kimani-w a-Njogu
for proof-reading the handwritten draft of this work and for his wise
suggestions. I wish to thank all my respondents for generously
answering my questions.
viii
However, the list would be incomplete without including my
close friends, Wakimani Mukora, George Kahindi and Grace Wamue
for their continued encouragement which gave me a hope when all
seemed to rebell against me.
r must as well thank Fr. Wamugunda, Fr. Karanja and Fr. Wachege
for their moral and prayerful support and for sharing my moments
of distress, Finally, my thanks to Dr. Ongong'a for his continued
encouragement and for proof-reading this work and making constructive
comments.
It is hard to forget Lucy Wambui Njuguna, for sharing with
me a part of the best of her life. Without her devotion in looking
after my son, I would never have completed this work.
ix
POSITION OF KIAMBU, MURANGA AND
NYERI DISTRICTS IN KENYA
1CHAPTER ONE
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1 Agikuyureligiosity: A brief survey
The Agikuyu religion had two major components of beliefs,
namely the belief in God and the belief in ancestral spirits. These
two beliefs were complimentary. However, the attitudes towards
these two beliefs were different.
Kenyatta (I938, 234) observes,
"The Agikuyu •••••• attitude towards the ancestral spirits was
not at all to be compared with their attitudes to the diety who
was truly worshipped".
Kenyatta further elaborates that even the terms used during
ceremonies to express the two beliefs were different. The Agikuyu
used the term guthaithaiya Ngai meaning to worship or beseech God
while the terms guitangira ngoma njohi or guthinjira ngoma were
used to mean to pour libation or to offer sacrifice to the ancestral
spirits.
The Agikuyu never worshipped the ancestral spirits, rather
they communed with them. The spirits were not used as intermediaries,
the Agikuyu approached God directly.
Kamuyu-wa-Kangethe (1981) further ascertains that the belief
in 'God therefore remained as the major aspect of the Agikuyu religion.
The Agikuyu believed that God is the creator of all that exists. God
also provides man with all that he requires for his sustenance.
Gathigira (I942) strongly holds that the Agikuyu conceived
God as neither man nor an animal. He further asserts that since
God is a mysterious being, the Agikuyu had no carved images to
2represent Him.
The pre-Christian Agikuyu community of faith had a monotheistic
conception of God (see Kibicho, 1972). The main emphasis in all
aspects of Agikuyu society was more on enhancing and maintaining
the welfare of the family and the community than that of the
individual.
In order to understand any people's religion, it is necessary
to examine the people's religious actions. These are evidenced in
their communal and individual rites. For the Agikuyu, these ceremonies
and rites bound the group together for without them the group would
be incohesive. As clearly expressed by Wilson (1971, 28 ff) the sacred
permeates the whole life and therefore; there is no particular time
set apart for religious activity. Individuals turn to God in the morning,
when in need, at a time of illness, while starting on a journey, as
a thanksgiving for a favour gained, when searching for a lost article
and for a healthy family. Leakey (1952, 39) notes that in matters
of religion, the emphasis was also on the communal approach to God.
Strictly speaking, there could be no God of an individualistic anti-
social person according to the Agikuyu belief. However, the individual
who was at the same time in communion with the rest of the community
could and did approach God alone in prayer whenever one felt the
need to do so. Individual prayers were usually short and they could
be supplication, intercession, thanksgiving or any other kind as need
dictated.
For the Agikuyu prayer was usually in the form of libation,
invocation, uttering a few words or a sacrifice made by a family.
Prayers were mainly in the form of dialogue with God or communion
with ancestors. These prayers were expressed as requests or
4the sinner and God as well as his fellow men. It is only after repentance
and forgiveness that one is re-admitted as a member of the group.
I.Z Statement of the Problem
There has been gross misconception and misuse of the concept
of thahu, equating it with taboos and curses. The misconceptions
have not been corrected and ways of defining thahu, rendering it
different from taboos and curses have not been formulated. Therefore
~ and taboo have been erroneously used synonymously. The moral
significance of ~ among the Agikuyu and particularly the role
played by ~ in enhancing social and religious harmony among
the Agikuyu have not been evaluated.
The major problem of this investigation is to give a religious
interpretation of the Agikuyu concept of thahu. The major concern
being to analyse the role played by thahu and the beliefs related to
it in the well-being of the Agikuyu. This objective will also lead
towards an evaluation of the moral significance of thahu among the
Agikuyu particularly in enhancing their religious harmony.
1.3 The purpose of the study
The major purpose of this investigation is to give a religious
interpretation of the Agikuyu concept of thahu. The main concern
being to evaluate the role played by thahu and the beliefs related
to it in the well-being of the Agikuyu. This purpose will also lead
towards an evaluation of the moral significance of ~ among the
Agikuyu particularly in enhancing their social and religious harmony.
Scholars like Robley (1967), Radin (1937) and Cagnolo (1933)
have erroneously equated thahu to taboos and curses. Another purpose
5of this study therefore is to formulate a way of defining thahu rendering
it different from taboos and curses. To facilitate the formulation
of such a definition certain definitions of the concept as given by
various scholars as well as respondents have been analysed,
Yet another purpose of this study is to clarify the role played
by the purification ceremonies in incorporating and reinstating the
victim back as a member of the group. The study as well undertakes
the task of showing how the Agikuyu concept of ~ relates to
the Biblical concept of sin in terms of their roles of separating and
alienating those who defile the set norms. In comparing ~ and
sin, the study highlights on the major similarities and differences.
The moral responsibility of the younger generation has been discussed
in this study, by analysing the moral situation in the Agikuyu
contemporary society.
1.4 Significance of the study
The study was necessitated by academic curiosity and a conviction
that thahu and the beliefs related to it played a major role in
controlling behaviour among the Agikuyu. Western scholars like Hobley
(1967), Radin (1937) and Cagnolo (1933) who have researched on Agikuyu
religious beliefs, viewed the Society as inferior and it's beliefs as
savagery. The study therefore, intended to correct the presuppositions
which these scholars had and thus give a less-biased picture in analysing
the moral value and social significance of the belief in thahu. This
study is intended to be a contribution to scholarly research as it
attempts an analysis of the nature and significance of the Agikuyu
concept of thahu both in the traditional and contemporary society.
In analysing the concept of thahu, the research clarifies how
6the prohibitions whose violations caused thahu were formulated and
who actually formulated these prohibitions. This supported or refute
claims made by some scholars like Robley (1967) and Radin (1937),
that the traditional diviner-doctors were more interested in the
material gains they got for performing the ritual purification
ceremonies to cleanse the victims of thahu, than upholding the society's
moral values. The study has thus show how the prohibitions were
formulated and who actually formulated them.
Due to the fact that most cases of thahu were removable by
ritual purification, the members could easily relax their beliefs and
thus making thahu loose its moral meaning. The study hoped to find
out how much value thahu, the beliefs attached to it and mugiro had
as moral restraints among the Agikuyu.
The study is also significant in that it has attempted to show
how the Agikuyu concept of ~ is related to taboos and curses
particularly in analysing the actions, objects and events that cause
~. This also renders ~ different from taboos and curses.
In the past thahu has been erroneously equated to taboos and curses
by some scholars, like Kenyatta (1938) and Robley (1967).
1.5 Conceptual Framework
The conceptual orientation that informs this study is derived
from Emile Durkheim's concept of social control. Durkheim (1915)
applies the concept of taboos or interdictions to the scope of the
sacred versus the profane. This application is adaptable in Agikuyu
religious beliefs whereby the sacred denotes the observation of taboos
and the profane implies contravention of taboos and hence the ~
condition. Furthermore, as regards the Biblical concept· of sin, the
7sacred points towards obedience of God's will while the profane denotes
disobedience and rebellion against God as depicted in sin.
Durkheim (1915, 268) argues that there is no religion without
interdictions. In this study, the Agikuyu prohibitions (migiro) marks
out the pitfalls in order to enhance social harmony among the
community members. Similarly, in the Old Testament the Law of
Moses and the book of Leviticus prescribe various interdictions. The
contravention of these interdictions (taboos) has both material and
spiritual repurcurssions viewed as punishments. The victims therefore
have to undergo the prescribed purification ceremonies in order to
be incorporated and reinstated as members of the community.
Durkheirn's conception of social control is in the dimensions of culture,
morals and religion. Similarly the Agikuyu conception of social control
has a religious connotation expressed in terms of social customs.
This conception can be further explained in God.
Durkheim identifies the family, the clan, the community, the
diviner-doctors (Araguri) and the age-groups as agencies of social
control. The family, clan and community informs the individuals
about the taboos. The diviner-doctor reveals an unconfessed
contravention, while they may punish by ex-communicating a member
who defiles the set norms. The Agikuyu contemporary society holds
the family, the Church, the school and the state as agencies of social
control.
The techniques of social control according to Durkheim's theory
include ex-communication and punishment. Among the Agikuyu one
who contravenes a taboo was prohibited from taking part in any
religious ceremonies and the age-group could also excommunicate
8such a person prior to cleansing. Punishment would be in the form
of a fine (guthinjwo) whereby one gave a goat as an atonement for
one's thahu.
The purification rites were carried out in order to prevent thahu
from spreading to others and also as a way of cleansing one who is
already in the thahu condition. These prescribed rites were aimed
at enhancing the essential separation between the sacred and the
profane among the Agikuyu.
1.6: Area of Study:
The fieldwork research for this study was conducted mainly
in Kiambu District. As stated in Kiambu District Development Plan
(1984 - 1988), the District has an area of 2,448 square kilometres
out of the. total Central Province area of 13,233 square kilometres.
The district is divided into seven administrative regions namely, Lari,
Gatundu, Githunguri, Limuru, Kiambaa, Kikuyu and Juja. Kiambu
district is bordered by the City of Nairobi to the south, Kajiado district
to the south-East, Nakuru district to the West, Nyandarua district
to the North-East, Murang'a district to the North and Machakos district
to the East. In addition to Kiambu district the fieldwork research
also took place in parts of Murang'a and Nyeri district. This area
of study can be seen on a map on page ix, indicating the position
of Kiambu, Muranga and Nyeri districts in Kenya.
1.7: Research Methodology:
Most of the fieldwork research was carried out between November
1986 and April 1987. Prior to the actual field research. the researcher
had planned to interview at least three elders from Murang'a district
9and three from Nyeri to avoid biases of taking Kiambu district as
the sole representative of the Agikuyu people. But time and finances
could not allow. However, the researcher made an effort to interview
one elder from Murang'a district and one from Nyeri to avoid such
biases.
The method used in carrying out the field research was mainly
oral interview using direct questions. The researcher asked questions
and listened to the oral traditions as narrated by the elders. The
interviews were recorded live on cassettes, preserved and later
transcribed into English for easier reference. In some cases, however,
the researcher had to write down the major points where the elders
totally objected to the idea of being recorded on cassettes.
These interviews were conducted during the day, mostly on
Sundays and public holidays depending on the elders' flexibility. The
best time for the interviews could have been in the evenings since
some of the elders were busy during the day but this was not possible
due to lack of reliable means of transport and the researcher's personal
security.
Out of the seven divisions in Kiambu district, the researcher
interviewed a random sample of four elders from each division.
Individual elders were interviewed on appointment and occasionally
group interviews were arranged for out of necessity to cross-check
the information.
At the dawn of the field-work research I was not familiar with
most of the respondents. Through the contact of friends who introduced
me to the elders they could identify in their home divisions. In some
cases an elder could introduce the researcher to another after the
interview. During the first meeting, appointments were made to
10
interview the elders on days of their own choice and convenience.
Towards the end of the field research, the researcher shortlisted
the respondents and concentrated mainly on the key respondents.
In addition to elders, the researcher interviewed the youth,
clergymen, lay-leaders and members of the general public. The
representatives of these groups were chosen at random and were
interviewed in the following order. The youth were represented by
four Kenyatta University undergraduate students and four students
from Kenyan secondary schools. Two lay-leaders were interviewed
plus six members of the clergy from both the C.P.K. and the Roman
Catholic Churches. The researcher interviewed two respondents
randomly picked to represent the views of the general public. All
these repondents represented the modern views on thahu and sin.
1.8. Limitations of the Study:
One major limitation encountered in this study was that the
Agikuyureligion like most traditional religions is not a documented
religion. The ancestors left no written records of their religious
practises. The cultural traditions of the Agikuyu have been handed
down orally from generation to generation. The most predominant
works available concerning the Agikuyu deal with history, migration,
land tenure plus social and political systems. Apart from the above
mentioned, and some few articles which appear in Anthropological
journals, little systematic attention has been paid to the religious
beliefs of the Agikuyu, hence the scarcity of sources. Mbiti (1969,
1) further notes,
"our written knowledge of traditional religions is comparatively
little, though increasing, and comes chiefly from anthropologists
11
and sociologists. Practically nothing has been produced by
theologians, describing or interpreting these religious
theologically" •
A second major problem encountered in carrying out the field
research was the time. The time allocated for the study was rather
short. This made it impossible to carry out the field-work research
in the entire Agikuyu-occupied region which is to a large extent the
whole of Central Province and beyond. The researcher was also faced
with a financial problem. The research funds allocated could hardly
cater for the necessary travelling and subsistence needs. The
researcher often had to subst itute with personal pocket money.
Some of the elders who were supposed to have been interviewed
during the field-work research were not handy either due to age,
sickness, or poverty. Other elders had a desire to pose as being more
knowledgeable than they actually were. Group interviews were
organized to cater for such biases and to cross-check the information.
The researcher was as well faced with a scarcity of elders most of
whom are vanishing through death and leaving no records of their
knowledge of traditions. Other elders turned out to be so commercial-
minded that they were unwilling to give information freely for the
thought that the information they gave would be published in books
and hence make money for the researcher. One elder went to the
extent of demanding a hundred shillings fee before he could give
any information.
Furthermore, due to the fact that most of the elders have taken
up Christianity as a religion, some of them have been so much
influenced to the extent of considering certain traditional practices
as being savegery. One such elder gave the Biblical story of the fall
12
of Adam and Eve while actually intending to narrate the myth on
the origin of the Agikuyu. Although this study may not systematically
and analytically exhaust the Agikuyu concept of .!lli!.!lliand its bearing
on the Biblical concept of sin, it does however deal with the central
themes concerning the beliefs in.!lli!.!lliand sin.
1.9 Research p:-emises
The study was undertaken with the following assumptions which
acted as guidelines to the investigation of the problems.
That the contravention of taboos and curses results in a thahu
-condition; that taboos and curses are not synonymous to thahu; that
~ and the beliefs related to it acted as a basis for morality among
the Agikuyu; and that in both the Agikuyu concept of thahu and the
Biblical concept of sin, the elements of rebellion, impurity and
alienation are strongly implied.
1.10 Definition of principle terms
In the study the following terms are used with the meanings
given below in order to suit the purposes of this study. Other terms
appear in the glossary.
Agikuyu: refers to the ethnic group, the entire Kikuyu people.
Mugikuyu: refers to an individual member of the Agikuyu ethnic
group.
Gikuyu: refers to the language used by the Agikuyu people as well
as the region they occupy.
Tha-hu: the consequences of one's actions against a prohibition.
Thahu renders the victim morally and ritually impure.
Mathahu: the plural form of ~
13
Wihia: is the Gikuyu language way of describing sin, in the Christian
context.
Mehia: is the plural form of wihia (sins)
Mugiro: is taken to mean a ban or a prohibition (taboo)
Migiro: is the plural form of mugiro (taboos)
Kirumi: a curse, a ban imposed by an older person to a younger
relative. In most cases the curse becomes effective after
the announcer's death.
Ndahikio: a ritual purification ceremony used to cleanse various
types of thahu. Literally means to cause to vomit out
the thahu.
~: a man or a woman who has successfully gone through the
stages of the Agikuyu rites of passage, i.e, birth, naming,
initiation and marraige. Such a person is usually assumed
to bear a lot of knowledge concerning the Agikuyu customs,
beliefs and practices. In this study the elders have been chosen
depending on such knowledge.
Ngai: derived from Mugai one who divides or shares out. Gikuyu
language way of referring to God the parent and creator.
1.11: Review of related Literature:
In the present study works by Western scholars centred on the
theme of taboo have been reviewed because this theme comes closest
to the Agikuyu concept of~. In addition, works on ~ have
been reviewed and also works centred on the christian concept of
sin. Radcliffe-Brown 0952: 133-136) defines taboo as a ritual
prohibition which he further refers to as (p. 134), A rule of behaviour
which is associated with a belief that an infraction will result in an
14
undesirable change in the ritual status of the person who fails to
keep the rule.
Radcliffe Brown comes quite close to the Agikuyu concept of thahu
in his definition of taboo. He further argues that after one has broken
a prohibition the victim~ status gets disturbed and this leads to some
degree of misfortune. This misfortune may befall the victim alone
or spread to affect his family, livestock and property. He concludes
by asserting that taboos regulate social relationships and function
as a moral code of the society.
In addition this study hopes to analyse the role played by thahu
and the beliefs related to it in controlling the people's behaviour,
as a moral code among the Agikuyu.
Radin (1937, 176-179) associates the origin of taboo with the
priests and shamans in a society and argues that they develop these
rules so that they may gain from the work of curing and cleansing
those who break the rules. The study aims at finding out whether
the diviner-doctors actually formulated the prohibitions among the
Agikuyu.
Freud (1913, 29-31) sees taboo in connection with neurosis,
taboos being the result of psychological conditions. He argues that
taboo originated from ambivalent social attitudes which led men
to establish prohibitions. Freud sees the concept of taboo being based
on a forbidden action for which there exists a strong unconscious
inclination. In line with this view, the researcher hopes to find out
whether all members of the Agikuyu society were aware of the
existence of all the prohibitions depending on who formulated them.
Howells (1962, 45-47) gives a sociological interpretation of
taboo as something forbidden not by status but by convention. This
15
definition is quite close to the Agikuyu beliefs and can be equated
to mugiro but not ~ which refers to the consequence of a
contravened mugiro. This sociological interpretation is also in line
with the Agikuyu conception of mugiro whereby the prohibitions were
agreed upon by convention.
Hobley (1967, 58-68) defines thahu as a condition into which
one falls when he accidentally becomes the victim of certain
circumstances or intentionally performs certain acts which carry
with them a kind of ill-luck or curse. Hobley further asserts that
~ results from contravention of a prohibition or curse. He,
however, associates thahu with the curse of ancestors alone and argues
that a person curses by invoking the powers of the ancestors. This
view does not agree with the Agikuyu beliefs because according to
them, thahu results from an ancestor's curse only if that ancestor-
had pronounced the prohibition while he was alive. Hobley erroneously
identifies the spirits of departed ancestors as the major causes of
the t-hahu condition. The present study aims at identifying more
causes of thahu, as well as indicating the implications.
Leakey (1903, 1233-1240), attempts to make a distinction between
~ and taboo. He asserts that when one is under the influence
of ~ visible signs of wasting away begin to appear. Leakey further
notes that thahu can be contacted through the acts and agency of
some other person other than the victim. Leakey briefly analyses
some causes of~. This study will analyse more causes and
elaborate on their consequences.
Durkheim (1915,300) points out that
"Taboo is the word used in polynesian language to designate
16
the institution of virtue of which certain things are withdrawn
from common use. It is also an adjective expressing the
distinctive characteristics of these kinds of things".
Durkheim prefers to use the expression interdictions instead
of taboo but also notes that the word taboo is so customary that it
would show an excess of purism to prohibit it systematically.
He strongly ascertains that every religion has interdictions
and they play a considerable part in social control. Durkheim further
points out that the interdictions of contact are the original taboos
and they rest upon the principle that the profane should never touch
the sacred.
Kenyatta (1938, 38-40) defines thahu as taboo, a defilement
and equates it with mugiro. He analyses several taboos and purification
ceremonies, as well. One such ceremony is that of settling a land
boundary dispute whereby (p.39)
"Elders uttered curses against anyone who should cunningly
or maliciously remove the boundary mark of his neighbour."
Kenyatta also gives an account of the ritual fire lighting ceremony
in a new hut. These ceremonies are, however, just a few among the
many which the researcher hopes to analyse in detail.
Gathigira (1942, 73-80) defines ~ as anything that harms
the person who does it. He further notes that there are numerous
types as well as causes of thahu among the Agikuyu but he does not
list them nor discuss them. He emphasizes on the fact that there
is no th-ahu which is beyond cleansing through the ndahikio ceremonies.
Gathigira gives a list of thirty six objects and events that cause ~
without analysing them in detail. However, he clearly asserts that
17
in every ethnic group, there are certain actions which people abstain
from doing. Such actions, he notes help in upholding morals and
reducing crime in any society.
Gatheru (1964, 18-20) narrates a case whereby one gets
contaminated with ~ due to contact with menstrual blood. He
also gives an account of the ritual purification ceremony undergone
to cleanse such a case of thahu, Gatheru analyses only one cause
of ~ and one cleansing ceremony, hence the view expressed by
the researcher that the field under this study has not been given
adequate attention, especially on the religious perspective.
Githige (1978, 76-85) emphasizes on the fact that it is possible
for one to contact thahu unknowingly from other people. One such
cause of ~ is the action of coming into contact with a person
who has~. He gives a distinction between thahu, mugiro and
kirumi, showing how the three are related. Githige's work deserves
praise since he has made an effort to dismiss erroneous views held
by scholars like Hobley, Radin and Benson. The researcher, however,
notes that although Githige's approach is religious he analyses ~
only in connection with the Mau Mau oaths which is his major objective
of study. This study therefore, apart from giving a religious analysis
of thahu, also gives a comparative outlook in view of its relation
to the christian concept of sin.
The Editors of New Catholic Encyclopaedia, (1967, 14: 236-
250), point out that the notion of sin indicates most emphatically
a disruption of what is religiously sanctioned or required. The editors
further note (p, 238);
"In the Old Testament, the words used for sin have generally
18
to do with human relations. The most commonly used root
"Hatta" means to miss the mark, morally to be deceived, fall
short of the goal. In the goal is a person and hence it is failing
towards someone, a violation of the bond uniting persons to
one another."
Sin is therefore a personal failing as regards God, a falling short of
the mark God sets for us. On a more theological outlook sin indicates
defiance towards God. It denotes a transgression, a violation of other
people's rights.
The editors also assert that in the New Testament, sin indicates
deviation from the good. Sin implies lawlessness and inquity. In
this sense, the one who sins deflects his christian vocation and
communion with God and submits to the devil's domination.
Rahner (1970, 1575-1590), indicates that sin is hated by the
Lord of the covenant and so it's most definite expression is in idolatry
forbidden in the first commandment of the decalogue and denounced
by the prophets. He further states that sinful man offends against
what is demanded by. his own and his neighbours being. He views
sin as a refusal to commit one self in a history of salvation rather
than a transgression of the law. He further explains that sin is not
only setting up strange gods against the true God but also injustice,
harshness, exploitation of his fellows as already put in the Old and
New Testaments.
According to Encyclopedia Britanica (1973, 20: 556), sin is the
name given to moral evil when considered from the religious point
of view. The encylopedia further states that the ancient Greeks
viewed sin as a failure on the part of man to achieve his true self
19
expression and was mainly attributed to arrogance, Christianity
views sin as deliberate violation of the will of God caused by man's
pride, self-centredness and disobedience. The editors further state
that theologians divide sin into actual and original. Actual sin referring
to evil acts of thought, word or deed in ordinary usage. The latter
refers to the vitiated condition in which man finds himself at birth,
being a member of the sinful human race. The editors quote Genesis
Chapter three to explain in detail the meaning of original sin where
it is depicted as an inherited consequence of the first human sin.
Augustine (1958) strongly holds that the first parents were created
in such a way that had they not sinned, they would not have experienced
death. Nevertheless, these first sinners were so punished that all
their descendants were to be subject to the same penalty of death.
Augustine further elaborates (1958, 269)
"Parent and offspring are identical in having the same human
nature. Hence when the first couple were punished by the
judgement of God, the whole human race which was to become
Adam's posterity through the first woman was present in the
first man".
Augustine further asserts that human nature is not as it was
originally created but as it became after the first parents' sin and
punishment. Man has by nature an immortal soul but man who is
body as well as soul is capable of death. The death of the body occurs
when the soul departs, while the death of the soul occurs when God
leaves the soul. The soul therefore, ~ay. be dead long before the
body dies and such is the condition of the soul of the wicked.
Augustine strongly holds that even baptismal regeneration does
20
not remove from us the evil of bodily death. It remains as an evil.
The body of the first man was corrupted by his spiritual corruption,
the body to his shame, becoming insurbodinate to his soul.
Augustine (I958, 272) suggests that the mechanism for the
transmission of original sin can be explained by stating that the seed
of man's natural propagation which was corrupted by sin produced
man of that same nature, the slave of death and the object of
condemnation.
Augustine's doctrine of the unity of history is drawn from the
conclusion that mankind is by nature one. Further, their unity of
origin must indicate to them the duty of a concord of heart. Original
sin brings the shattering of this unity and this concord, yet even so
the fundamental division of the human race is a simple one. Men
differ in nationality, language, race and tradition, but basically they
are either good or bad and this division cuts across all the other
differences and makes of fallen man not many communities but two,
each of which has its own end and desire.
The fall of man was wrought by his free will and not by any
evil in his nature. Augustine emphasizes that sin is insinuating, it
tortures and is productive of circular motions. The temptation of
man was to live according to himself to be his own good, to be as
God. Man decided to become self-willed and therefore disobedient.
Haring (1967, 1: 339-345), points out that the incarnation of
Christ is the first step made by God, gravely offended by sin towards
the reconciliation of man the sinner. He further notes that the nature
of sin in all its malice can be understood only in the light of the history
of salvation which strongly holds the sanctity of God and the majesty
21
of his love. Haring further indicates that there are three primary
characteristics of sin according to St. John (1 Jn 3: 4, 5:17). These
portray sin as being first the loss of salvation and loss of God.
Secondly, sin as opposition to the divine will as expressed in the law.
Thirdly, sin as the violation of justice, owing to God, guilty. Haring
concludes by asserting that sin in the Biblical sense is first the
individual evil act, the transgression.
O'Conne l (1967, 67-70), describes man as a moral being who
is responsible and accountable and hence obligated. He further argues
that sin is a religious reality, sin makes no sense apart from the
presence 'of God and our obligation to him. Sin is our recurring refusal
to accept the claims of the God of revelation upon ourselves. He
concludes by asserting that sinful man ends up in a fractured, alienated
state.
Harvey (1964, 220-223), defines actual sin as any act which
includes thoughts as well as deeds done consciously and a deliberate
violation of God's will as expressed in the law. He further notes that
where there is no repentance, guilt is regarded as properly imputed
to all actual sins. He goes on to define original sin as the universal
and hereditary sinfulness of man since the fall of Adam from which
man inherits both sin and guilt. Harvey concludes by stating the
seven deadly sins which are pride, covetousness, lust, envy, gluttony,
anger, and sloth,
Macquarrie (1967, 318), strongly holds that the field where
sin is committed is clearly the set of relations between man and man.
He further quotes Mathew 25:44 and 1 John 4:20 as two possible fields
of sinful action and consequently also as the theological and moral
22
connotations of sin. He further notes that our neighbour is as it were
the mask behind which God hides and to fail in human relations is
to fail God.
The editor further comments that in such important old Testament
accounts of sin as Job: 13 and Psalms: 15, where sin is committed
is clearly the set of relations between man and man. He finally
emphasizes on the moral significance of sin and points out that sin
being essentially a religious term would hardly be used seriously by
someone who did not believe in God.
Menninger (1973, 18-22) defines sin as a transgression against
the law of God, disobedience of the divine will, moral failure. He
further asserts (p, 19):
"Sin is the failure to realize in conduct and character at least
as fully as possible under existing circumstances, failure to
do as one ought to towards one's fellow man".
The author goes on to demonstrate that the wrongness of a sinful
act lies both in its non-conformity, its departure from the accepted,
appropriate way of behaviour and in an implicitly aggressive quality,
a ruthlessness. He in addition notes that the worst part of sin is the
hurting breaking away from God and from the rest of humanity. In
other words, a partial alienation or an act of rebellion. He finally
concludes by noting that sin in Christian theology has been conceived
as rebellion, enstrangement or isolation and as error in performance.
Diaz, (1986, 2-5) strongly exalts Pope John Paul II's teachings
that salvation means above all liberation from evil and in particular
liberation from sin. The Pope further indicates as in Diaz (1986,
2),
23
"Sin is the principal and fundamental evil because it contains
the rejection of God's will of the truth and holiness of God,
of his fatherly goodness, as they are already revealed in the
work of creation and above all the creation of the rational and
free beings who are made in the image and likeness of the
creator."
In the above cited article, sin is depicted as the obscure reality diffused
abroad in the world created by God, it lies at the root of all evil in
man and in all that is created. The Pope further explains that sin
involves the deep deformation of creation. The mystery of redemption
is joined in its very root in the reality of man's sin. In conclusion,
the Pope clearly states that the history of salvation presupposes the
fact of the existence of sin in the history of humanity created by
God.
As a concluding remark on the concept of sin, it can be noted
that, from a theological percepective, sin is regarded principally
as an obstruction to P~ty. The sense of guilt and rebellion is
emphasized. Throughout the scriptures, sin is depicted as the element
in man that puts him at enmity with God. Sin is therefore, first and
foremost an offence against God and against one's neighbour.
According to Agikuyu beliefs on the other hand, thahu implies more
emphatically an offence against other people in society. One is
expected to live in harmony with these people. Hence by disrupting
that order, the offender, acts against the supreme Being's wish.
24
CHAPTER TWO:
THE MAJOR CAUSES OF THAHU AND THE
PURIFICA TION CEREMONIES
2.1 The relationship between Thahu, Mugiro and Kirumi
The concept of th-ahu as it applies to Agikuyu religious beliefs
is closely related but not synonymous to mugiro and kirumi in terms
of their causes and effects. This chapter analyses certain definitions
of thahu as given by various respondents and scholars and attempts
to formulate a more meaningful way of defining thahu rendering
it different from mugiro and kirumi, It analyses as well, the major
events, objects and actions that cause thahu and the major purification
ceremonies administered to cleanse the victims of thahu.
Kahungura (0.1. 8th January 1987) explained that thahu is derived
from guthaaha, a verb used to describe the deteriorating condition
in one's health and wealth. He defined mugiro as that which is
forbidden, feared, not allowed not normal and extra-ordinary. In
this definition the unpleasant appearance and the lack of progress
in one who has th-ahu and also the forbidding factor in mugiro are
stressed.
Chege (0.1. 17th December 1986) defines thahu as, "something
unusual, out of the ordinary, that which is forbidden not to be done".
This definition implies that anything which was found to be unusual
was regarded as thahu. The definition seems to be rather vague and
ambiguous since unusual happenings in daily life are numerous and
are not necessarily thahu. The definition also fails to give the moral
significance of thahu and the fact of rebelling against the set norms
or prohibitions.
25
Rugiri (0.1. 16th January, 1987), on the, other hand, equates
thahu with mugiro which he further defines as that which is forbidden.
This definition is erroneous since thahu is the result of one's actions
against that which is forbidden mugiro. The respondent further defined
kirumi as:
"Spoken words of abuse, intended to cause bad luck, uttered
by an older person forbidding certain types of food, manners
and intermarriage with certain clans or the sale of land outside
that family after his death".
Thahu, mugiro amdkirumi are in one way or the other related
in terms of their causes and effects. Mugiro primarily means a
prohibition as stated by Benson, (1964: riz) in his dictionary which
further defines mugiro as:
"a ban, a ritual prohibition, defilement, taboo, something
forbidden, under threat of defilement".
In everyday usage, mugiro refers to a ban or a prohibition directed
to a specific object or act which the majority in the society are not
supposed to have or to do. Used in this context, mugiro implies a
rule set for members in the society. When one breaks such a rule,
several consequences may follow, for example, Karauni, (0.1. 17th
January 1987) notes, one may fall sick or die, his animals may die
and his family may also be affected.
Hence, the view that mugiro itself cannot be equated with a defilement
but the violation of a mugiro can cause a defilement.
The word kirumi is derived from the verb "ruma" which literally
means to abuse. Benson, (1964: 409) defines this word as: a ban
imposed by an ancestor.
"a ban imposed by an ancestor upon his descendants".
26
While Njeri (0.1. 10th January 1987) explained that as the Agikuyu
say, "gutiga kirumi" which literally means to "leave a curse" implies
to announce a prohibition which becomes a curse after the death
of the announcer. Mugiro is therefore broader because as a rule it
encompasses many people who may not necessarily have any blood
relationship with each other. But Chege (0.1. 5th December 1986)
gave the following example to elaborate the meaning of a curse:
"If the head of a family prohibits his family members from
eating the fruits of a particular tree, the prohibition becomes
a kind of mugiro (a ban) to his family members. But if the
announcer happens to die before recalling that prohibition,
that is before blessing the tree whose fruits he had banned,
the prohibition lasts for ever and acquires the meaning of a
curse".
This is why the Agikuyu had a common practice of requesting a dying
person to recall the prohibitions he had announced during his lifetime.
It was a widely practiced behaviour for elders to utter curses during
their old age. The curses came mostly as a result of children and
relatives ignoring, maltreating or neglecting the aged. The need
to request an elder to recall the curses, reveals the power of the
spoken words in both Mugiro and Kirumi whose effects survived the
speaker unless recalled.
One's action against a prohibition, whether the prohibition is
a mugiro or a kirumi, the act renders the doer into a thahu condition.
This means that, the one who eats the fruits from a tree which has
been banned by an elder, and the one who eats food from a pot which
broke while the food was being mashed, both contact thahu, The
two offenders become morally and ritually impure. Hence, thahu
can be said to be the consequences of an act performed in contravention
27
of amug-iro or a Kirumi.. In both cases, the act ing against (contrary)
to the set norms is emphasized. The offender also rebells against
what has been set, and hence offends other members of society with
whom he ought to have good relationships. This alienates the offender
from fellow human beings and the Supreme being (God). Therefore
once a person contacted thahu, he was faced with the danger of
numerous misfortunes. In most cases, the victim withered away in
illness or his livestock died, his crops withered and generally his welfare
deteriorated.
As a concluding remark on this sub-section, it should be pointed
out that th-ahu, disastrously affects the person who gets it. Thahu
particularly ruins the one who acts contrary to a prohibition and keeps
it secret. On the other hand, when one confesses that he has
contravened against a prohibition, he is purified and his thahu cleansed
immediately. It should be further. noted that although thahu, mugiro
and kirumi are related, regarding the three terms as synonymous
is a misconception. It is indeed faulty to equate thahu with mugiro
(taboo) in any analysis of the concepts.
2.2 The major causes of Thahu
The causes of thahu are many and cannot be adequately dealt
with here. However, for the purposes of this study, the major ones
will be analysed in detail. Among the events, actions, and objects
that caused~, the following will be discussed in this section.
Spilling of human blood; ~ caused by a human being's death;
contact with menstrual blood; . incest and other sexual perversions;
accidental causes of thahu; -t-hahucaused by a third party. In addition
28
the second birth ceremony which is referred to in this study will be
..'
briefly discussed towards the end of this section.
Almost all contact with human blood was a cause of thahu.
According to Durkheim (1915) human blood was regarded as a sacred
liquid serving for pious uses only. For example, the blood which flowed
during the initiation had a religious virtue. The blood united the
initiate with the ancestors who were believed to be resting in the
ground. The blood also united the initiate with the soil which was
significantly held as the source of life. Among the Agikuyu, human
blood signified, a strong bond of brotherhood. Human blood had a
holy connotation as sacred and essential for survival. If one spilt
blood from a relative, (mundu wa rur-ira), both the offender and the
offended contacted thahu. As expressed by Gathaci (0.1. 4th December
1986), whenever any two people were engaged in a fight, and one
spilt the other's blood, both of them contacted thahu. The case whereby
one spilt a relative's blood was, however, more serious than spilling
a stranger's blood. The former case of thahu called for immediate
purification.
If at anyone time, the herdsboys fought and spilt blood from
one another, they contacted thahu, and so did the livestock. The
herdsboys' blood contaminated the entire herd. The researcher notes
that this prohibition could have been introduced with an aim of
disciplining the herdsboys. Since the herds boys spent long hours
in the grazing fields daily, and they were always unsupervised, they
could have always injured one another in the absence of such
regulations. On the other hand, the prohibition could have been based
on the fact that blood is viewed as a source of life, a gift from the
29
creator, and hence it ought not to be spilt carelessly or maliciously.
However, although contact with human blood caused innumerable
cases of thahu, a midwife never got contaminated with thahu. Probably
because her reason for having contact with the patient's blood was
a just one, aimed at saving a life.
The death of a human being caused thahu to most of the people
who had an intimate relationship with the deceased. The thahu
similarly affected all those who had physical contact with the corpse
in connection to its disposal. The following examples illustrate this
cause of thahu; Njeri (0.1. 9th January 1987) pointed out that, If
a woman had a miscarriage or gave birth to a still-born child, she
acquired ~ due to contact with the dead foetus.
This form of thahu was confined to the woman alone but it was
'contagious, However, the thahu could only be transferred by a sexual
act and not by any other human contact. This made it necessary
to undergo purification prior to any sexual contact.
On the same note, the respondent further noted that a woman
who bore a healthy and normal child, but the child happened to die
before the second birth ceremony took place, contacted a serious
case of thahu, The mother contacted the ~ because prior to
the second birth ceremony, a child was identified with the mother
alone. This condition of thahu was confined to the mother alone
and could not affect anyone else not even the husband unless they
had sexual relationship prior to purification. Karauni (0.1. 29th January
1987) also asserted that, the death of a child who had undergone the
second birth ceremony and had therefore ceased to be identified
with the mother alone, caused thahu to both parents and to all the
deceased's brothers and sisters.
30
This case of thahu also affected the deceased's brothers and sisters
who were grown up and initiated but were unmarried and, therefore,
shared the same hut with the deceased. In other words the death
of a child who had undergone the second birth ceremony caused thahu
to all the members of the dead child's nuclear family.
Gatoro (0.1. 6th January 1987) clearly remarked that the death
of a married woman caused thahu to her husband and to all her
unmarried children. But the thahu condition never spread to affect
the deceased's co-wives and their children. On the other hand,
the death of a married man caused thahu to his parents, all his wives
and children and all of them required purification.
In addition, Njeri (0.1. 10th January 1987) pointed out that a
human being's death caused thahu to all those who took part in the
disposal of the corpse. This included even those who had no blood
relationship with the deceased as long as they had a physical contact
with the body. We would like to point out that this could have been
one of the reasons why the Agikuyu avoided the disposal of a dead
body. Instead they built a hut at the village edge and made a death-
bed for one who was about to die. From that hut the corpse would
be devoured by wild animals mostly hyenas. However, any rich man
had to be buried.
Contact with menstrual blood is yet another major cause of
t-ha-hu as elaborated in the following examples; Karauni (0.1. 17th
January 1987) pointed out that if a man shared a bed with his wife
overnight, and in the morning found out that her menstrual flow had
commenced during the night, the couple contacted thahu and had
to be purified immediately. Failure to be cleansed soon, would cause
death within a short time. Probably, such a prohibition was intended
31
to make women more careful and hygenic in the way they handled
themselves during their menstrual period.
However, to underscore another possibility of menstrual blood
causing thahu, Wanjiku (0.1. 10th January 1987) had this to say:
"When a woman became impure due to contact with the menstrual
blood of a cowife, or any other married woman, or any other
girl apart from her own daughter, both would acquire thahu
and had to be purified".
In the same way; if two unmarried girls belonging to different initiation
guilds shared a bed and during the night, one of them started her
menstrual flow, both became afflicted with a serious form of thahu
and had to be equally purified. But if the two girls belonged to the
same initiation guild, their thahu would be rather mild and would
not require immediate purification. But this need was nevertheless
provided for by the traditional practice which required girls to undergo
a general purification ceremony before marriage, to cater for any
possible defilement during their maidenhood.
A further example of thahu caused by contact with menstrual
blood was given by Machara, (0.1. 12th January 1987). He said:
"When a man who still belonged to the worrior class shared
a bed overnight with a girl in the restricted form of intercourse
known as "nguiko" and the girl happened to start her menses
and so contaminated the man, he alone acquired thahu and had
to be purified".
A brief description of the above mentioned form of restricted
intercourse nguiko is necessary at this point. It mainly involved the
lovers fondling and caressing one another. The main aim of this
relationship was the warmth of the breast but not a full experience
32
of sexual intercourse. For further details on nguiko, see also Kenyatta
(1938, 157-160).
The rule of incest, along with other forms of sexual perversion
were strictly observed by the Agikuyu. To clarify this point, Chege
(0.1. 17th December 1986) strongly remarked that engaging in sexual
intercourse with animals and homesexual relationships caused serious
cases of ~ which called for immediate purification to ensure
survival. However, as remarked by most respondents, extreme sexual
perversions like homosexuality and having sexual relationships with
animals was a very rare occurence.
Nevertheless, incest was an occasional threat to the well being
of the community. This is why Njeri, (0.1. 23rd December 1986) in
her old age remarks bitterly that sexual relationships among blood
relatives, whether close or distant caused lethal cases of thahu, If
'such cases were not immediately dealt with, the victims risked death.
The horror of a parent having seXual relationship with either of the
children or vice-versa has been condemned even by modern
psychologists. Freud (1913) for example, discusses such a relationship
under the oedipus complex.
Rape, though a rare phenomenon, was mentioned by several
respondents as being a cause of thahu. One of them, Chege (0.1.
5th December 1986) reckoned that rape was a result of sheer lust.
The offence caused a type of thahu, But this cause of thahu, just
like menstrual contamination was probably a measure, intended to
strengthen the people's moral uprightness. However, since polygamy
was a widespread practice, one's sexual needs were almost always
catered for except for those who just wanted to deviate. For the
young people, the restricted form of intercourse, nguiko, ensured
a healthy sexual development, see Kenyatta (1938).
-33
The Agikuyu had numerous unnatural or accidental causes of
thahu, which one had little or no control over. In other words, one
could easily contact thahu even unwillingly through these causes.
The following examples will elaborate further. Ruhwa (0.1. 21st
December 1986) stated: If a woman gave birth to twins as her first
borns, or her baby was born feet first, or her baby fell on the ground
at birth, or any other similar unnatural events occurred during delivery,
the woman contacted thahu,---
Njeri (0.1. 23rd December 1986) notes that the Agikuyu, like
many other ethnic groups considered the birth of twins as an unusual
happening. Particularly when the twins were first borns, they
sympathized with the young mother who had to bring up two babies
together. In such a case, the midwife with her assistants would secretly
suffocate one child (mostly the -one who looked weaker) and inform
the mother that she bore only one child. On the other hand, a baby
falling on the ground at birth portrayed carelessness from the assistants
and mismanagement from the midwife. If a woman contacted any
of the above cited cases of thahu, her husband was faced with a great
risk of contacting the thahu if he had a sexual relationship with her
prior to purification.
On the same note, according to Njeri (0.1. 23rd December 1986)
if a wife accidentally touched her husband's penis, the action caused
thahu. This thahu was a source of potential danger to both the woman
and her husband. It could make matters worse if the couple had sexual
intercourse prior to cleaning. This measure could have resulted from
the belief that the reproductive organs were a sacred weapon, a divine
gift which deserved respect. However, most of the elders wouldn't
discuss any reasons for such a cause of thahu. According to Kenyatta
34
(1938) male sexual organs were believed to carry the seeds of life
which were sacred and God given.
Yet another accidental cause of thahu, if one broke a pot while
mashing food, and her family members partook of that food, they
all contacted thahu which could only be cleansed through a special
kind of ritual known as ndahikio, Such a prohibition could have been
reinforced with an arm of ensuring carefulness in handling pots. At
the same time, breaking a pot in one's homestead caused thahu to
the entire homestead. Similarly, when a wife was so much annoyed
by her husband or a co-wife, she could break a pot as an expression
of her anger. The action caused thahu to the entire homestead.
Thahu could also be caused by a third party as elaborated by
the following examples; Gatoro (0.1. 6th January 1986) recalled that
if a hyena defacated within a homestead courtyard or at the very
entrance to the homestead, this caused thahu to all the inhabitants
of that homestead. Furthermore, if a jackal barked in or near the
homestead, this caused thahu to the homestead. Similarly, if a snake
entered a hut and got killed inside, the action caused thahu to the
entire homestead. The family head had to arrange for a purification
ceremony immediately.
Yet another example of thahu caused by a third party is whereby
an adult relieved himself within the confines of a homestead courtyard
or a hut. This caused thahu to the inhabitants of that homestead
but not to the person responsible. This cause of thahu, though it
may seem unfair to the homestead's owner, implied that the owner
had wronged the community in one way or the other.
It is necessary to discuss briefly the second birth ceremony
which is referred to time and again in this study. The ceremony was
35
commonly referred to as "gucoki-a-mwana ihu-ini ria nyina", which
literally means to place the child back into the mother's womb.
However, this expression was no more than a figure of speech, the
significance of the ceremony was that the child was once more
ceremoniously separated from its mother and the links that joined
the two into one person were severed forever.
In short this ceremony as narrated by Ruhwa (0.1. 21st December
1986) involved the child's father slaughtering a fat ram assisted by
other invited elders. After cutting up the meat, they also cut two
raw hide strips (ngwaro) which they put aside together with the
intestines and the stomach contents. Later on the rest of the meat
was roasted and some joints boiled. Once the meat was ready some
pieces were cut, placed on a half-calabash (kaihuri] and taken to
the mother and child in the mother's hut. These two had to be the
first ones to taste the meat followed by the midwife and later on
the rest of the people could eat.
After eating, the midwife accompanied by some women went
into the mother's hut and took with them the intestines, that had
earlier been put aside. They made the mother to sit down with her
legs apart and the child sat between her legs. The intestines were
wound round the mother and the child symbolizing that the two were
still one person. The midwife then using a splinter of muthakwa wood
attempted to cut the intestines three times. On the fourth attempt
she cut the intestines, as she called out the name of the child. At
this juncture all the women ullulated cheering the birth of a child.
The child was later washed with cold water and made to cry as a
sign of being alive. Later the women took the two rawhide stripes
and placed them on the "baby's" chest from the right shoulder to
36
the left armpit.
The following morning, the mother took the child to the fields
to collect some foodstuffs just like she had done when the child was
born. They returned home with some sweet potatoes, yams and arrow-
roots. That evening the mother cooked the food and invited her husband
to share the meal with the family in the evening. After eating, the
father sprinkled the child with the stomach contents and later than
night he had ceremonial sex with his wife (the mother) to conclude
the ceremony.
All the causes of thahu which have so far been discussed, mainly
resulted from one's actions against a prohibition (mugiro). Most of
these prohibitions were aimed at enhancing social harmony and moral
uprightness. They gave the people a sense of direction by clearly
stating what is wrong and what is right. These causes of thahu make
it clear that thahu was more emphatically an offence against one's
fellowman. Whereas sin is more of an offence against God and fellow
man. It is clear that in traditional beliefs, the Supreme Being was
viewed as the sole planner of social life. Hence, disrupting the social
harmony by offending one's neighbour, directly offended the Supreme
Being. This is in line with Durkheim's (1915) concept of taboo as
a means of social control. After contravening a taboo one becomes
profane until after purification.
2:3 The Purification Ceremonies
One of the most common and most widely used purification
ceremony was ndahikio. It is derived from the verb gutahika which
literally means to vomit or to cause to vomit out the thahu, The
ndahikio ceremony varied considerably depending on the nature of
the thahu being cleansed. Njeri (0.1. 23rd December 1986) gave a
37
detailed account of a ndahikio which she described as being more
or less general due to the fact that it could be used to cleanse more
than one case of thahu,
The respondent further noted that this type of ceremony always
had to be carried out by a diviner-doctor. After being invited, the
diviner-doctor arrived at the horne of the person being purified
accompanied by his assistant who carried his bag of paraphanelia
(miano), The diviner-doctor brought with him some mikengeria (a
type of creeping plant with small soft leaves) vines tied into two
bunches. A virgin girl who had gone through the second birth ceremony
was sent to the river to fetch some water in two calabashes. Two
elders who had been invited slaughtered a ram or an ewe and put
aside some of the blood on a banana leaf, together with some of the
stomach contents. The diviner-doctor later mixed the blood, water,
the stomach contents and some medicinal herbs into a half-calabash.
The one being cleansed was then made to sit on a stool in front
of the diviner-doctor. The diviner-doctor dipped the two bunches
of vines into the mixture in the half-calabash and placed them on
the patient's lips who in turn spat out. This action was repeated several
times with the diviner-doctor uttering the following words,
"vomit out all your mathahu, those you know and those you may
have forgotten."
Later the diviner-doctor would place the two bunches of leaves at
the patient's feet and lift them upto the head saying,
" I give you back your soul, I make you upright."
Afterwards the diviner-doctor ordered his assistant to carry the rest
of the meat wrapped with the skin to eat it elsewhere.
Karauni (0.1. 17th January 1987) gave a second type of ndahikio
38
purification ceremony which was used to cleanse thahu caused by
contact with a dead body. This form of ndahikio ceremony was
performed to cleanse all the men who touched a dead body in
connection with its burial or disposal. A virgin ewe, a virgin she-
goat or a young ram was taken out into a bush by a diviner-doctor
who was going to perform the ceremony accompanied by those who
were to be purified and a few council elders. The elders slaughtered
the animal, skinned and cut it up. They put aside the left fore-foot
with the skin on, the second chamber of the stomach, the dorsal sac
of rumen and the undigested stomach contents (taatha) contained
in it and the third chamber of the stomach. The diviner-doctor took
these items and together with those being cleansed made their way
to the nearest stream. The diviner-doctor collected at least one
leafy stem from each of the following nine plants, mucatha, uruti,
S:2£Q, mahoroha, murar-ia, mut ei, mukengeria, mucingiri, inagu,
muthakw-a and mukeu, He also collected roots of the creepers called
muriira and kanyan;a.
On arrival at the stream, the diviner-doctor dug a small shallow
basin about ten feet away from the river bank. He lined the basin
with banana leaves and using another banana leaf he drew water from
the river to fill the basin. The diviner-doctor later emptied the
stomach contents from the second chamber of stomach into the basin
and gave the empty stomach to those being purified to cut strips,
make a hole in each strip and slip one on to their right wrists.
Meanwhile the diviner-doctor took from his bag little gourd
bottles containing the five medicinal powders, ~' ng'ondu, ruthuko,
mucanjamuka and vkinor-ia, He put a little of each medicine into the
water and stirred the mixture well. This done, he asked those who
39
were to be purified to sit round the basin in a, semi-circle in order
of seniority with the eldest one on the right hand side. They sat with
their backs turned towards the direction of the homestead where
they handled the corpse, i.e, (lIhutatira mucii"),
The diviner-doctor then took the foot and the third chamber
of the stomach from the slaughtered animal and holding the foot
in his right hand and the stomach chamber in his left, passed them
round the seated patients, once clockwise and once anti-clockwise
(guthiurura). He then dipped the foot and the chamber into the mixture
in the basin and placed them on the lips of each patient saying,
IIIcause you to vomit out the death II, (ndagutahikia gikuu),
as the patients spat in turn. The diviner-doctor repeated this process
on all the patients and on completion, he threw the foot and the third
cham ber of the stomach over his shoulders saying,
III throwaway the uncleanness caused by death. - {nindate thahu
wagikuu).11
This done, the patients turned to face the homestead where they
had touched the corpse and as they did so, the diviner-doctor tied
the leafy twigs into two even bundles. Afterwards, he proceeded
with the clockwise and anti-clockwise rounds around the patients.
He then dipped the leafy bundles into the mixture in the basin and
wiped each patient downwards twice and upwards twice. Finally
he made the patients lick some ira powder (a medicinal powder which
looks like chalk and was extracted from the ground like clay and
salt), from his right thumb, he also smeared some on the bridges of
their noses, Adam's apples, chests, navels, the palms of their hands
and the soles of their feet. The ira powder signified purity and hence
c\
symbolize the purifying of the patients.A .
40
The patients were now cleansed. The diviner-doctor untied
the bundles of twigs and scattered them, drained the basin and threw
away the banana leaves. The cleansed patients returned straight to
their homes while the diviner-doctor went back to the bush where
the animal had been slaughtered to share the roasted meat with
the elders.
Chege (0.1. 5th December 1986) gave an account of the following
purification ceremony which was undertaken to cleanse the person
who had spilt a relative's blood during a fight. The offender, had
to obtain a small immature goat or sheep then made arrangements
with the diviner-doctor and some senior status' council elders to fix
a day for the ceremony.
On the appointed day, the animal was taken to a bush and
slaughtered by the elders. As they pierced the animal to draw its
blood, they caught some of it into a muthakwa leaf and put it aside.
When they cut the animal up they removed the dorsal sac of the rumen
which they cut up at once into fourteen strips each pierced with a
small hole. They removed a little of the stomach contents and put
them aside on a muthakwa leaf.
Next, the elders cut a piece of muthakwa wood to represent
the weapon which had been used to draw blood from the injured person.
One end of this muthakwa wood was smeared with some of the blood
that had been put aside. The offender was then given this bit of wood
with which he made attempts to hit the offended without actually
doing so. As he did this, the senior elders would shout at him saying:
"Hey you! you might injure your kinsman".
Afterwards the elders took the symbolic weapon and smeared
it with some stomach contents to rub off the animal's blood. This
41
symbolic weapon was then rubbed with oil and thrown far away into
the bush.
Later, both the offender and the offended had seven of the
fourteen strips that had been cut from the animal's stomach chambers
put on their fingers and toes with at least one on each arm and each
foot. The elders then took the remaining blood on the muthakwa
leaf and with it annointed the two patients on their foreheads, on
top of each shoulder, on the navels, palms and ankles. After that,
the two patients were rubbed with some raw fat on all the parts
previously smeared with blood. This action symbollically cleansed
away the blood.
A third purification ceremony being discussed in this study
is the one which was administered to cleanse a woman who had
accidentally touched her husband's penis with her hands. The ceremony
was cited by many respondents but most elaborately by Njaga (0.1.
18th January 1987).
On realizing that such a thahu had been contacted the previous
night, in the morning the husband sent for a diviner-doctor to cleanse
both himself and his wife from this serious thahu. The husband provided
a young ram to be slaughtered for the purification ceremony. The
wife provided some castor oil from her oil bottle. Using this oil,
the diviner-doctor mixed a paste with the magic powders of ~,
ng'ondu and kinoria. This paste was rubbed on the nose and forehead
of the ram before being slaughtered.
The diviner-doctor then instructed the husband to sit outside
the hut where addition the thahu had been incurred, with his wife
on his left side and all the children who had been sleeping at the
children's sleeping place in that hut when the thahu was incurred.
The invited elders slaughtered the ram and with the instructions of
42
the diviner-doctor, they put aside the parts needed for the ceremony,
which included the skin from the ram's penis, a strip of skin from
the left foreleg, the right fore-foot, the second chamber of the stomach
with its contents, some stomach contents from the main stomach
and the intestines.
The diviner-doctor then dug a hole at the entrance to the woman's
hut, lined it with banana leaves and poured into it the contents of
the second chamber, and added the five medicinal powders. The
diviner-doctor later placed the skin from the ram's penis on the second
toe of the husband's right foot and the skin from the animal's foreleg
on the hand with which the woman had touched her husband's penis.
The husband and wife later moved to sit on the woman's bed
and while they were there, the wife pulled out the skin from the ram's
penis out of the husband's toe. After this the couple sat outside the
hut and together with all their children who had gone through the
second birth ceremony, they underwent an ordinary ndahikio ceremony
for general purification.
Njeri (0.1. 10th January 1987) gave an account of a purification
ceremony which was carried out to cleanse both mother and child
in a case where the child had been born out of a sexual relationship
between blood relatives. Such a child usually grew weak, was always
sickly and unhealthy. After the mother had confessed the wrongful
act she had committed, a purification ceremony was arranged to
cleanse the mother and the child. The male relative she had had
sex with also had to be present.
On the appointed day, the elders slaughtered an ewe which
had been provided by the lady's father. After cutting up the animal,
from the large intestines, the elders made a fake penis. The man
4;3
who had committed the wrongful act with the lady in question, was
then directed by the elders to make several attempts to place the
fake penis between the lady's legs. As he did this, the elders shouted
at him saying: "Hey you, you want to have sex with your own blood
relative?"
The elders repeated this question several times as the man repeated
the pretentious attempted act.
Afterwards, the lady and her child were sprinkled with a mixture
of stomach contents and water which had been prepared by the elders.
The child was also annointed with the oil obtained from that ewe's
body. At the end of the ritual the rest of the meat was roasted and
eaten by the participating elders. Certain unique types of purification
ceremonies were administered through sexual act. The chief idea
underlying purification by sexual intercourse was that by sexual
contact, two people became more closely unified than by any other
means. The contagion which was inherent in all forms of uncleanness
was completely transferred from the affected person to the other
party.
As elaborated by Wakang'u (0.1. 28th January 1987) a woman
who gave birth to a child feet first or who had twins as her first-
borns or gave birth to a child with six fingers or any other unnatural
feature was required to have sexual intercourse with some other
man other than her husband before she could resume normal relations
with her husband.
The underlying idea was that the man called in to perform the
act of purification could not be affected adversely by the uncleanness
although it would pass to him by the act of sexual contact with the
unclean woman. Having been passed to the stranger, the thahu was
44
neutralized whereas if the legal husband of the woman had sexual..'
contact with her, the uncleanness would pass to him and it would
become immediately active because he and his wife were legally
one and the same person.
Most of the respondents had a similar narrative concerning
the following ceremony used to cleanse a mother after a normal
delivery. Muthoni (O.I. 6th December 1986) recalled that after a
normal delivery the mother had to stay in seclusion for five days
if the child was a boy or for four days if the child was a girl. Once
the seclusion period was over, the purification ceremony was arranged
and the major persons being cleansed were the mother, the child
and the mid-wife. On the appointed day, all the women living in
that homestead together with some invited neighbours joined hands
in preparing food and gruel while one of them prepared fresh castor
oil. The ceremony began early in the morning. The midwife had
her head shaved by one of the elderly women. Later, the women
who had been assisting the mother in her household duties during
her seclusion period, swept the mother's hut very clean and collected
all the rubbish including the leaves which had been spread on the
ground at the time of birth and took all rubbish to the pit near the
homestead's entrance. After this the mother had a bath and later
washed her clothing, her sitting-stool and the skin sleeping mat from
her bed.
At about mid-day when all preliminary preparations were over,
the husband brought out a fat ram to be offered in the sacrifice known
as "igongona ria muciairi" (the sacrifice for the one who has delivered). '
The husband had also invited some elders to assist him in slaughtering.
The ram was held with its head facing the mother's hut and was
45
suffocated. It was then pierced to draw blood and the first blood
was collected in a small half-guard (kaihur-i) and was taken to the
mother who dipped the first finger of her right hand into it and smeared
the blood on the baby's lips. This act was performed so that
ceremonially the ,baby for whom the sacrifice had been made was
the first to partake of the slaughtered animal.
The slaughtered animal was then cut into pieces some of which
were roasted and others boiled as directed by the elders. When the
roast meat was ready, the father cut four pieces if the baby was
a girl and five if it was a boy. These pieces of meat were placed
in a half-calabash and sent to the mother's hut, who had to be the
first to taste the meat. After she had tasted, the rest of the gathering
proceeded to eat. All the elders who had partaken of this sacrificial
meat, on returning to their homes slept in the men's hut and continued
abstaining from sex until the baby's father informed them. The same
abstainsion applied to the women who had been assisting the mother.
The following morning, the mother took the baby to the fields
to collect some edibles (kumathithia mwana), With the baby securely
covered under her cloak, the mother went either to a co-wife's field
or a friend's but not to her own. On arrival, she first symbolically
uprooted a handful of weeds in recognition of the fact that any woman
who went to gather foodstuffs from the fields had to do some weeding
prior to the gathering. Having done so, the mother dug up some sweet
potatoes, arrow roots or yams and took them back home.
That evening, the mother cooked the foodstuffs she had collected
and invited her husband to share the meal with the family in her hut.
This was one of the rare occasions when the husband ate in the woman's
hut, After the meal, the husband went back to his hut and had to
46
continue abstaining from sex. He could not have any sexual re lat ionship
with any woman or girl and the same case applied to all the men
and women who had partaken of the sacrificial ram.
One month after the day of shaving, the husband and wife
performed the concluding ceremony known as the sacrifice for ending
the uncleanness of birth (lligongonaria gutinia miruru ya mwana").
This ceremony required the husband to sleep in the wife's hut (the
recently delivered mother) and make love with her twice that night.
In the morning the wife gave him water in a half-calabash with which
he ceremoniously washed his face, hands, wrists and ankles. Having
done so, the husband informed the elders that the ceremony had been
duly completed so that they could resume their normal sex lives.
The wife likewise informed her former attendants thus allowing them
to resume normal sex lives.
This last part of the ceremony was aimed at cleansing the child
who was unclean due to his contact with the birth blood. The mother
also became unclean due to contact with her unclean child. This
uncleanness was removed by means of ritual sex between the mother
and the child's legal father. The father in this case contacted the
thahu and once it was transferred to him it became neutralized and
the child and mother were freed from it.
The Agikuyu also had a purification ceremony to cleanse an
entire homestead after it encountered numerous disasters like illness,
loss of livestock or poor crop yields. This ceremony commonly known
as "kuohorwo kwa mucii" was given in detail by Warutere (0.1. 20th
January 1987);
On arrival at the horne being purified, the diviner-doctor found
some council elders having already slaughtered a goat for the ceremony.
47
The diviner-doctor took the intestines and spread them out round
the family members being cleansed.
"The diviner-doctor then cut some raw-hide ringlets (ngwaro)
and placed two ringlets on both wrists of each family member".
Afterwards the family shared all the roast meat which could not
be left overnight. The diviner-doctor later sprinkled the entire
homestead with stomach contents. The fat which had been obtained
from the goat was put away safely and after three days all the family
members went to the river, bathed and threw away the rawhide ringlets
and on returning home all smeared themselves with the fat which
had been obtained from the goat. All the leaves which had been used
for slaughtering on and the roasting platforms and any other rubbish
swept in the homestead compound was burnt up in a big fire to complete
the ceremony.
Njoki (0.1. 25th January 1987) described the ceremony for
cleansing an entire homestead and all its inhabitants. Once the family
head had found it necessary to have his homestead cleansed due to
the various disasters that the homestead might have encountered,
he made arrangements with the diviner-doctor and fixed a day for
the ceremony.
On the appointed day, very early in the morning, two children,
a boy and a girl who had gone through the second birth ceremony,
were sent to the river to draw water in two small gourd bottles. Later
in the morning the diviner-doctor arrived and with the help of a few
invited elders, slaughtered a ram for the ceremonial purposes.
After cutting up the animal, they put aside the upper chamber
of the stomach unpunctured, Later this chamber of the stomach
was given to the boy and girl and led by the diviner-doctor they took
48
the chamber round the homestead clockwise and then anti-clockwise
four times. After this the chamber was punctured and its contents
were poured into a basin dug at the eldest wife's hut's doorstep and
lined with banana leaves. The water which had been drawn in the
morning and some medicinal herbs were added into the mixture.
Starting with the man, the family head, followed by the first
wife and then other wives in order of seniority and their children,
all underwent a ndahikio ceremony. After the ndahikio, all those
present ate the roasted meat and later burnt up all bones, rubbish
and the roasting platform in a bonfire lit near the homestead's gate.
This action of burning rubbish symbolized the burning up of
all the evils which had been causing disasters to that family. That
night all the family members spent the night in the homestead and
no visitor would spend the night there. The same night, the husband
(family head) had ceremonial sex with the eldest wife thus completing
the ceremony.
The last but not the least of the purification ceremonies to
be analysed in this study is the one used to cleanse livestock -
commonly known as guthiurura mahiu, As told by Chege, (0.1. 17th
December 1986) a one-coloured goat was selected and taken around
the livestock by a small boy who had gone through the second birth
ceremony, as instructed by council elders. Later the goat was
slaughtered and cut up and its stomach contents were sprinkled upon
the animals and around the animals' pen.
Afterwards, the elders who were participating in the ceremony roasted
the meat and shared it among themselves and took none of it home.
It should also be noted here that precautionary measures were
taken against th~. For example, people could protect themselves
49
from acquiring thahu by placing some rawhide stripes on one another.
Most respondents expressed the view that to a large extent thahu
controlled people and assisted in upholding morals among the Agikuyu.
This also made the AgikU:yu God-fearing since offending a fellow
human being implied offending God, the creator. The prohibitions
whose violations caused thahu were set up by elders of long ago by
casting votes, agreed upon by consensus and were passed from one
generation to the other by oral traditions.
As a concluding remark on this chapter, the researcher notes
that thahu acted as a basis for morality among the Agikuyu. To a
great extent ~ controlled the behaviour of persons within the
society. Most of the rules in society were defined in terms of thahu.
Stressing on this point, Mugweru, (0.1. 15th January 1987) said,
"It was normally said that the Agikuyu government was based
on thahu. There was an extent to which the youth could not
go in their approach to elders. Women too had to observe their
relationship with men. Thahu created boundaries for all men,
women and children. Anyone who over-stepped these boundaries. . ,
acquired ~ and had to pay a fine to those he had wronged
and then be cleansed by a diviner-doctor. More often than
not, one wronged those who were senior to him."
To sum up this chapter, let us once again point out that thahu is the
consequence of either a broken mugiro or kirumi, It's worth noting
that thahu resulting from a broken mugiro could be purified. Whereas
the effects of a curse could also be purified, the curse itself remained
since it was said to be everlasting. Ruhwa (0.1. 21st December 1986)
remarked,
"There was no permanent cure for an established curse."
50
The researcher finds it worth noting that a cursed person could hardly
be cleansed. However, one had a chance to reconcile with the elder
beiore his death and that way one could be blessed and the curse
called off. But after the death of the announcer, the curse was believed
to last.
According to the conception of Durkheim (1915, 266-280) the
purification rites played a double role, namely to prevent the
defilement from spreading to others and also as a way of cleansing
one who has already been defiled. The Agikuyu viewed the purification
rites as a way of cleansing the individual who had defiled and therefore
incorporating the individual and reinstating him/her as a member
of the community. The purification ceremonies also gave one an
opportunity to denounce one's thahu.
The raw-hide strips which were often used in purification
ceremonies signified unification, a bond between formerly unfriendly
sides. According to Kenyatta (1938) the stripes also guaranteed one
protection against misfortunes. The raw-hide stripes also symbolized
oneness as in the case of mother and child.
51
CHAPTER THREE
COMPARISON OF THAHU AND SIN
3.1 The Agikuyu sense of Responsibility and Duty, Hospitality and
Generosity.
A good number of respondents, particularly' Mugweru, (0.1.
15th January 1987) stated that among the Agikuyu, responsibility
and duty were controlled by the system of division of labour according
to sex. From the homesteads to the fields and to the tending of
domestic animals, every sphere of activity was clearly and
systematically defined. Each member of the family unit knew perfectly
well which tasks to perform in the economic productivity and
distribution of the family resources so as to ensure the material
prosperity of the group.
When putting up a new hut. for example, as expressed by Njaga
(0.1. 18th January 1987),
"The heavy work of cutting timber and putting up the framework
fell on the men, cutting and carrying the grass for thatching
and plastering the walls with clay or cow-dung was the work
of women. Men built fences around homesteads, gardens and
cattle pens."
The entire housework naturally fell within the sphere of women's
activities. They cooked, brought water from the river, washed utensils
and fetched firewood from the forests and bushes.
Njeri (O.I. 23rd December 1986) noted,
"When cultivating new fields, men cleared the bush and cut
\
down the big trees and also broke the virgin soil with digging
sticks or hoes. Women came behind them preparing the ground
sowing seeds: Planting was shared by both sexes. Weeding
52
was also done collectively."
Cutting drains, water furrows and prunning banana plants as wen
as making paths and bridges was the work of men. Harvesting was
done chiefly by women. Tending cattle, sheep and goats, slaughtering
and distributing the meat and preparing the hides was entirely the
duty of men as expressed by Njaga (0.1. 18th January 1987). On the
other hand, dressmaking, pottery and weaving baskets was the women's
profession. Whereas woodcarving, smiths work, bee-keeping and
hunting were men's occupations. Women took the responsibility of
grinding corn and millet for making gruel. They also pounded sugar-
cane or rather crashed it to extract the juice which was used by men
for making beer.
Mugweru (O.I. 15th January 1987) noted that hospitality as
a virtue was widely practiced among the Agikuyu. To elaborate this
point he gave the following example,
"If one received unexpected' guests during a meal, the guests
automatically had to share that meal though their shares had
not been included while preparing the meal. One never asked
for food neither was the question of giving food to a visitor
who arrived when others were at table debatable".
To elaborate further on Agikuyu hospitality, the researcher notes
that the Agikuyu have a saying, "Maitho nimo mahoyaga" literally
meaning that it is one's eyes that beg for something. The implication
is that one's presence is enough to guarantee one a share of whatever
is being eaten or drunk. This underlines the people's hospitality.
Generosity was also widely practised among the Agikuyu, our
respondent, Wakang'u (0.1. 12th J anuar-y 1987) was keen to add that
it was a common practice to take supplies to travellers' camps. Guests
53
and strangers were received with open arms and hearts as a gesture
of generosity. The respondent further notes,
"If an important, honoured person like a muthamaki (ruler)
happened to be on a journey and arrived in one's compound at
nightfall, he would be received warmly and a goat slaughtered
for him, to share with members of his caravan plus a lot of
food and gruel. The guests would also be provided with
accommodation."
The Agikuyu viewed guests as a blessing. It was only in the homes
of witches or wizards that neither received nor appreciated guests
and strangers for fear of revealing their cunning ways of maliciously
bewitching others.
Though the Agikuyu prohibited and condemned stealing, a hungry
traveller had the right to get into anybody's garden to pluck and eat
sugar-cane or fruits without any fear. He would only be tresspassing
and stealing if he carried any of the foodstuffs away. Similarly during
famine, the mother of a young child had the right to get into anyone's
garden and pluck enough bananas to feed the child. However, the
mother had no right to take the whole bunch of bananas away but
was allowed to return every day and pluck enough bananas to feed
her child. The Agikuyu prohibition against stealing applies to
Durkheim's elaboration of customs as a dimension of social control.
3.2 Functions of Mugiro as a Basis for Morality among the Agikuyu
Let us start by reminding ourselves that the Agikuyu concept
of ~:Jrah~.denotes above all, ceremonial uncleanness which may be
contacted by certain defaults, some grave and some trivial, but always
with a moral significance. The undesirable ritual status results from
tbe I3:i:i.t:Lce to observe the rules of avoidance c1earJ.y expressed 1:1
54
the prohibitions (migiro or taboos). A victim of thahu is faced with
the danger of falling ill or probably dying unless he/she is cleansed
by the appropriate ritual remedies, which in all serious cases require
the services of a diviner-doctor.
Wachira (0.1. 14th January 1987) clearly expressed,
"The prohibitions (migiro) whose violations caused thahu were
agreed upon by concesus by the council of elders who casted
votes concerning the things not to be done. The set norms were
later passed down orally from parents to their children and
from one generation to the next. Thus all the members of the
Agikuyu society were made aware of the prohibitions".
The formulation of these prohibitions is seen to have been done by
a fair method of casting votes.
Chege, (0.1. 1986), pointed out that the Agikuyu had a code
of law based mainly on general principles rather than a detailed code
of law. The Agikuyu have a saying, "gutiri watho tiga kuigua uhoro
wa mundu na mundu uria ungi", which literally means there is no
law except listening to disputes). This implies or rather supports
the idea that the Agikuyu had no detailed code of law apart from
listening to and settling disputes among the various people. The
respondent further noted that every judgement had to conform to
the principles set by the council of elders. Any person who refused
to obey the law was excommunicated. This does not mean that the
Agikuyu were punitive, ruthless or unsympathetic towards the offenders
rather it means that no individual could selfishly exercise his rights
at the expense of the community.
Gatoro, (0.1. 6th January 1987) expressed this clearly when
he said,
IITl1einjuct ion not -to steal was greatly obeyed and the Agikuy"ll
55
were particularly honest people even pri()r to the coming of
the missionaries. Theft was punished by burning the thief to
death or through compensation in minor cases. In case of
homicide, the murderer was either killed or his kinsfolk gave
a son to the wronged party for adoption".
This expresses the profund sense of morality which the Agikuyu had.
Since jails and bribes were unknown, the means to control crimes
was thahu which resulted mainly from one's contravention of
prohibitions.
Focussing now on the functions of mugiro as a moral restraint
among the Agikuyu, Warutere (0.1. 13th January 1987) notes,
"Mugiro aligned itself with the common social good by imposing
social restrictions affecting all the members of society. Mugiro
clearly showed everyone the correct path to follow by marking
out the pitfalls. Mugiro provided the people with clear
explanations for any misfortunes encountered and enhanced
a sense of relief in knowing the source of the trouble".
Mugiro also supported the existing structure and knitted society
together, by setting up a code of behaviour. The prohibitions essentially
dictated discipline and punished carelessness. Mugiro as well helped
the Agikuyu society to control its members by creating a common
feeling of responsibility among members. Indeed, mugiro gradually
enabled the Agikuyu society to mould a system of moral code. It
would have been difficult to organize the Agikuyu society without
the aid of mugiro. Mugiro in this context implies restriction, the
forbidden and can be equated to taboo.
The views expressed by Durkheim (1915) that the notion of
values as being internal in a society and not being imposed is applicable
56
to the Agikuyu society. Convention is a social convenience which
smooths difficulties in social relations and serve the official aspect
of social life, which is constantly in danger of being disturbed by
personal feelings and reactions. In every society, however small,
each member has his own will, interests or values and these must
be accommodated to the purpose of the whole or to the mutual interests
of contracting parties.
Durkheim therefore conceptualizes prohibitions, or taboos or
interdictions as one major dimension of social control. This applies
to the Agikuyu whereby the prohibitions regulated individuals behaviour
and enhanced social harmony and controlled morality as well.
3:3 Similarities and differences between the Israelites' Law and
the Agikuyuprohibitions
The Agikuyu had little or no conception of sin in the Christian
sense of the term. They instead had a moral code mainly in the form
of migiro. Impurity was incurred not by transgression but through
certain acts contrary to the migiro some of which seem to have been
accidental, and inevitable in the ordinary course of life. The ideas
connected with this Agikuyu sense of ceremonial uncleanness are
similar to those cited in the Old Testament particularly in the book
of Leviticus. According to this book, a breach of any of the ten
commandments was regarded as sin. The basis for the Israelites'
law was the Mosaic convenant at Sinai whose stipulations were
considered to merit the death penalty. If we view sin as an objective
quasi-physical thing, then we can conclude that whenever it is
committed inadvertently, its consequences cannot be avoided and
so it is not sharply distinguished from defilement or uncleanness.
57
In Leviticus (IS : 19 rn, the law is stated concerning the unclean
status of women. In the Israelite community, a woman was regarded
as unclean whenever she had a discharge of blood during her monthly
period. She r-emained unclean for seven days. Anyone who touched
her during this period or any object she touched became unclean for
seven days. The chapter further states that when her menstrual flow
ceased, she remained unclean for seven days. On the eighth day,
she had to take two turtle doves or two young pigeons to the priest
who made a sin offering and a holocaust on her behalf.
Similarly, the Agikuyu regarded as unclean, a woman during
her menstral period and everybody avoided contact with her. As
we have already mentioned in our consideration of the causes of thahu,
any contact with a woman in that state caused thahu even to her
own husband and called for purification. The menstrual blood could
as well contaminate a fellow wornan who contacted it. Contact with
menstrual blood would as well cause thahu to a girl's unmarried partner
or lover.
The book of Leviticus also analyses sexual impurities concerning
men. When a man had a discharge from his body, that discharge was
unclean and so everything that he touched or had contact with was
unclean. After the man suffering from the discharge was cured, he
had to allow seven days for his purification. He had to wash his clothes
and his body in running water. On the eighth day he had to take two
turtledoves and two young pigeons and go before Yahweh at the tent
of meeting's entrance and give them to the priest to offer a holocaust
and a sin offering on his behalf. Leviticus chapter twelve states
clearly the unclean status of a woman after bearing a child. One
who delivered a male child remained unclean for seven days. On
58
the eighth day the child was circumcised. The woman then continued
to purify herself for thirty three days during which she could not
touch any hallowed thing nor come to the sanctuary. If she bore
a female child, she remained unclean for two weeks after which she
continued with her purification for sixty-six days.
The chapter further states that after the purification, whether
the child was a male or a female the law required the mother to take
to the priest a lamb one year old for a burnt offering and a young
pigeon or a turtledove for sin offering. The priest offered them before
the Lord and made atonement in order to cleanse her from the flow
of her blood.
Similarly, the Agikuyu regarded a woman as unclean after
delivery. As clearly expressed by Njeri (0.1. 10th January 1987),
after a normal delivery the mother had to remain in seclusion for
five days if she had given birth to a male child or for four days if
she had given birth to a female child. When the seclusion period
was over, the family head appointed a day for the purification
ceremony.
On the appointed purification day, early in the morning the
midwife who had delivered the mother, had her head shaved by one
of the women in the homestead, after which she proceeded to shave
the mother and the child. The ceremony's second step took place
at around mid-day when the child's father with the help of a few
invited elders slaughtered a ram in a sacrifice known as "igongona
ria muciairi" - the sacrifice for the mother who has delivered. The
ram's meat was then cut up and roasted and some joints boiled
according to the elders' instructions. When the meat was ready, it
was shared by all who were present but the mother and child were
59
the first to taste the meat. All the men and women who had partaken
of this sacrificial meat had to abstain from sex until further notice
from the child's parents who would inform them once the ceremony
was complete.
The morning following the day of shaving saw the mother take
her child to the fields to symbolically collect some food-stuffs. That
evening the mother cooked the food-stuffs and the meal was shared
by the entire family inside the mother's hut.
One month after the day of shaving, the final step of this
purification ceremony took place. The husband and wife performed
the sacrifice for ending the uncleannes of birth, - (lligongona ria gutinia
miruru ya -mw ana"}, This sacrifice took place at night and required
the husband to sleep in the wife's hut (i,e, the recently delivered
mother) and have sex with her twice that night. In the morning the
husband ceremoniously washed his. hands and feet and left the wife's
hut. Later the husband informed all the elders who had partaken
of the sacrificial ram that they were now free to resume their normal
sexual routines. Likewise the wife informed her attendants about
the completion of the purification.
The book of Leviticus also states that the Israelites had to observe
the law concerning clean and unclean animals. The clean ones to
be eaten and the unclean ones not to be eaten. As stated in Leviticus
chapter eleven, the clean animals which the Israelites were allowed
to eat were those with a cloven hoof divided into two parts, and those
that are ruminants. The chapter, however, makes it clear that the
camel was to be held as unclean because though it is a ruminant,
it does not have a cloven hoof. The same case applies to the hare.
Concerning the animals living in water, the law allowed the Israelites
60
to eat those with fins and scales and to hold as unclean those without •.
Anyone who touched the carcass of an unclean animal remained unclean
until evening.
According to Agikuyu beliefs, certain animals were regarded
as unclean, and anyone who ate their flesh or touched their carcass
remained unclean until he sought purification. Several elders quoted
in chapter two of this study, named the hare as an unclean animal
for the Agikuyu. All other animals which do not chew the cud and
whose hooves are not parted were also viewed as unclean.
The law of Moses also required the Israelites to abstain from
adultery as stated in Leviticus (20:10 rn. Anyone who lay carnally
with his neighbour's wife, both the adulter and the adulteress were
to be put to death. This punishment shows how seriously the crime
was regarded.
For the Agikuyu, as express~d by Gathaci, (0.1. 4th December
1986) adultery was a very rare crime. Since a man was allowed to
marry as many wives as he could, then there was always someone
to satisfy his sexual needs. On receiving an honoured guest, and in
most cases an age-mate, the family head would appoint one of his
wives to spend the nights with the guest in her own hut. This practise
apart from expressing hospitality, had a deeper connotation aimed
at varying the breeds of the children so that some would survive in
case the family was bewitched. The practise was also aimed at getting
children from a rich family or a family of rulers (atharnaki),
Among the young people, fornication and adultery were minimised
by the wide practice of nguiko, a restricted form of sexual play that
involved fondling and cuddling without any actual penetration. This
form of sexual play was allowed for all the young people and for the
61
newly married young men who were still in the warriors class. These
details were given by Gathaci, (0.1. 4th December 1986).
For the Israelites, the law also forbade homosexuality and
beastiality as stated in (Leviticus 18 : 10-26). According to the law,
a male was forbidden from lying with another male as a female. This
was an abomination. A man was also forbidden from lying with a
beast and a woman from giving herself to a beast. The law also forbade
sexual relationships among blood relatives.
The Agikuyu also had prohibitions against homosexuality and
beastiality and incest Ruhwa, (0.1. 21st December 1986) clearly
expressed that engaging in sexual intercourse with animals and
homosexual relationships caused serious cases of thahu which required
immediate purification to ensure survival. The respondent, however
remarked that such offences were very rare. The researcher notes
that most of the respondents had never witnessed or heard about
offenders who practised beastiality or homosexuality as they expressed
during the oral Interviews. However, Chege (0.1. 17th December
1986) and Ruhwa (0.1. 21st December 1986) had heard about such
offences when they were small boys.
Macharia (0.1. 12th January 1987) further stated,
"If a man deliberately had a sheep or goat suck his sexual organs
for pleasure, such a man acquired a serious case of thahu and
needed to seek purification soon and the animal victim killed".
The respondent further stated that any sexual relationships between
blood relatives, whether distant or close ones, caused serious cases
of thahu and the victims were faced with the danger of dying unless
cleansed immediately.
62
As mentioned in the preceding chapter, contravention of a mugiro,
..'
(prohibition or taboo) is seen in this study to be the major cause of
thahu, As a concluding remark on this section it should be noted
that thahu renders a person unclean, putting him in a state of ritual
badness in which the victim is exposed to all kinds of mundane and
supra-mundane evils. Th-ah-ualso renders, the victim into a state of
moral impurity in the same way that sin does.
3:4 The Nature of Reality of Sin and Thahu
Palazzini, (1964: 190-195) expresses three different ways of
regarding sin. These are magical, ethical and religious (p, 193)
elaborates, Magical eliminates sin, ethics rehabilitates the sinner
and religion placates God.
The author further remarks that in the old Testament, sin is attributed
to division and enemity not only among individuals but also between
the various ethnic groups and peoples. Palazzini quotes St. Paul where
he says (193),
IISin introduces an element of disorder and disintegration into
the world subjecting creation to vanity, sowing enemity between
heaven and earth, between Jew and Gentile whom Christ joins
together in his blood levelling the walls of separation and
gathering all into the kingdom between the various nations
and individuals",
In St, Paul's first letter to the Corinthians, he advises christians to
remain as they were at the time of their calling. For those who were
circumcised let them remain so and those who were not should not
seek circumcision. Paul in this context was definitely contemplating
on more than just the surgical operation. The converted Jew continued
to be a Jew with his own appointed way of obedience. It appears
63
like the demand that Gentile christians be cir-cumcised caused a
problem among the Christians.
In the above mentioned Paul's letter to the Corinthians, i,e,
(1 Cor. 7 19), Paul writes, For neither circumcision nor
uncircumcision counts for anything but keeping the commandments
of God.
From the Jewish point of view, this quotation is paradoxical. A Jew
would reply that circumcision is one of the commandments and so
everyone must be circumcised. It must be further noted that the
commandment of circumcision is not one that arises in the Jewish
oral tradition but it is firmly rooted in the Old Testament, (Gen.
17 : 10-14).
In Paul's view, it is possible to be circumcised and not to keep
God's commandments and equally possible to keep God's commandments
without being circumcised. Paul further points out that ICod's
commandments are now summarized in the law of Christ. Keeping
God's commandments means an obedience to the will of God as
disclosed by his son, far more radical than the observance of any
code whether ceremonial or moral could be. If one's life has been
determined by the obedience of faith, conversion to or from Judaism
becomes irrelevant. (cf', Gal. 2 : 3, : 2-12, 6 : 12 f'f),
The Jews by insisting that the Gentiles be circumcised before
being converted were discriminating against the Gentiles and therefore
causing separation within the Church. Similarly, according to Agikuyu
religious beliefs, thahu causes disorder due to the victims unwell-
being if he is ill, and when thahu spreads to affect his entire homestead
and family, disorder and disintegration are realized all the more.
The researcher views that sin in Christianity and thahu in Agikuyu
64
religious beliefs cause a threefold separation. .These are: separation
from God, internal separation within the self and mutual separation
between the individual and fellow human beings.
One is separated from God due to disobedience. After disobeying
God's rule, the offender sets himself apart •. One is also separated
from fellow human beings since he cannot partake in any communal
ritual or ceremony and is looked upon as an immoral person. This
leads to excommunication. Internal self separation is caused within
the self mainly by guilt conscience. The victim feels guilty and
develops some self-reproach and self-blame.
Quite often the Agikuyu expressed a belief that sometimes
sickness was caused by personal acts of defilement of taboos which
resulted into the thahu condition. Similarly in the New Testament,
there are some instances where Jesus healed disabled people by
symbolically forgiving them their sins.
The Agikuyu strongly believed that thahu does not originate
Ifrom without man but from within and, hence ndahikio, the major
cleansing ceremony was meant to make the victim vomit out the
thahu. In the New Testament particularly in Mark 7 : 14-15 and 20-
23, Christ gives a similar connotation of sin being rooted from within
man.
In the New Tastament, salvation is depicted as being essentially
a process of deliverance from evil and above all from sin. Sin is
depicted as dangerous. because it evokes the wrath of a God who
therefore cannot be indifferent to it. Sin alienates man from God
and in fact enslaves him. Similarly, according to Agikuyu beliefs
thahu alienates the victim from God since one cannot take part in
any religious ceremonies prior to cleansing. One who has thahu is
65
also viewed as a prisoner since he is bound to p~or health conditions
and makes little or no progress in his daily endeavours. The victim
is further imprisoned by the fact that there are walls instead of bridges
between him and his fellow human beings and he therefore cannot
interact freely with them.
A phenomenological distinction in meaning between defilement
and sin is necessary. According to Ricoeur (1967, 47-50); defilement
is dominated by binding externally. Sin expresses seizure, possession
and enslavement rather than contagion and contamination.
In the Old Testament, the prophets: Amos, Hosea and Isaiah announce
the destruction of people by Yahweh because they have sinned. In
these prophecies, sin is made known in the union of wrath and
indignation. Ricoeur, further points out that the Hebrew Bible does
not have any abstract word to express sin but has a bundle of concrete
expressions each of which designate sin. These expressions are
ordinarily borrowed from human relations. The expressions include
words like omission, inquity, rebellion, injustice and disobedience.
The consequences of sin as well as the action, thought and heart from
which it springs are part of the sin. Sin therefore begins as a wicked
intention, or a temptation which becomes a thought and later an
action.
3.5 Actual and Original Sin as compared to Thahu
Harvey (1964, 220-223) defines Actual sin as any act which
includes thoughts as well as deeds done in a conscious and deliberate
violation of God's will as expressed in the revealed or natural law.
Guilt is hence imputed to all actual sins where there is no repentance.
This aspect of sin can be compared to personal acts committed against
a certainmugiro- and which causes ~ to the offender, The offender
66
in this case is well aware of and informed 'about the prohibition
(mugiro).
Harvey further points out that original sin refers to the universal
and hereditary sin fullness of man since the fall of Adam. Augustine
(1958) attributes original sin to the first man, Adam. St. Augustine
teaches that Adam was immune from all physical illness and was
in a state of justification. In other words Adam was like a superman
but he fell. The fall was entirely Adam's fault since God had given
him every advantage and had given him only one prohibition that
is, not to eat of the forbidden fruit and this was for man's own good.
Augustine identifies the major cause of the fall as pride. It
was the desire for man to break away from his natural master. Man
craved to become his own master. The gravity of the fall is that
it resulted in the ruin of the entire human race. Through Adam's
sin, the entire human race became a lost damned mass only capable
of propagating sinners.
According to Augustine, due to the fall, human race becomes
a fallen race, there is that stain of sin which is passed on from one
person to the other. Augustine depicts sin as being contagious. He
holds firmly on original sin and advocates for infant baptism since
he holds that even infants are stained by the original sin. Augustine
expresses the view that the tint of sin was propagated from parent
to child, from generation to generation. He sees the essence of original
sin as uniting us with Adam.
Cases of one being born in the ~ condition were cited by
a few respondents, who seemed to equate these special cases of thahu
with the Biblical concept of original sin as articulated by Augustine
(1958). One such respondent, Karauni (0.1. 17th January 1987) stated
66
in this case is well aware of and informed 'about the prohibition
(mugiro).
Harvey further points out that original sin refers to the universal
and hereditary sinfullness of man since the fall of Adam. Augustine
(1958) attributes original sin to the first man, Adam. St. Augustine
teaches that Adam was immune from all physical illness and was
. in a state of justification. In other words Adam was like a superman
but he fell. The fall was entirely Adam's fault since God had given
him every advantage and had given him only one prohibition that
is, not to eat of the forbidden fruit and this was for man's own good.
Augustine identifies the major cause of the fall as pride. It
was the desire for man to break away from his natural master. Man
craved to become his own master. The gravity of the fall is that
it resulted in the ruin of the entire human race. Through Adam's
sin, the entire human race became a lost damned mass only capable
of propagating sinners.
According to Augustine, due to the fall, human race becomes
a fallen race, there is that stain of sin which is passed on from one
person to the other. Augustine depicts sin as being contagious. He
holds firmly on original sin and advocates for infant baptism since
he holds that even infants are stained by the original sin. Augustine
expresses the view that the tint of sin was propagated from parent
to child, from generation to generation. He sees the essence of original
sin as uniting us with Adam.
Cases of one being born in the ~ condition were cited by
a few respondents, who seemed to equate these special cases of thahu
with the Biblical concept of original sin as articulated by Augustine
(1958). One such respondent, Karauni (0.1. 17th January 1987) stated
67
that among the Agikuyu, it was possible for a "child to be born in a
thahu condition, if the mother contravened a taboo during pregnancy.
Such a child could be cleansed only if the mother confessed her act.
Similarly, a child born out of incest automatically contacted thahu
though unwillingly and such a child grew very weak and could only
be cleansed together with the mother if the mother confessed. Failure
to confess would sometimes lead to the child's death. As explained
in the preceding chapter, a child born out of incest usually grew thin
and sickly and could only improve after the mother's confession, after
which both mother and child would undergo the purification ceremony
analysed in the preceding chapter. However, none of the above cited
cases of one being born in the thahu condition can be equated with
original sin. According to Augustine (1958) original sin is hereditary,
every human being is born with that taint of original sin which was
not the case with the Agikuyu. Harvey's (1964) conception of Actual
sin is more equivalent to thahu because both involve a deliberate
violation of the prohibitions.
3.6 The role played by Cleansing Ceremonies and Repentance
The major role played by the cleansing ceremonies is to
incorporate the individual back into the group, and hence provide
the individual with emotional support. The ceremonies bring back
the individual who had been expelled. This is also the case with the
Christian concept of forgiveness. The sense of guilt is wiped out
after confession and repentance and the individual feels free to
fellowship with the rest of the congregation.
In both the purification ceremonies and in forgiveness, the
offender's initiative to confess and repent is emphasized. In Christian
Theology as expressed by Haring (1974, 30), salvation is not at all
\
68
an exclusively supernatural concept, It also implies liberation, healing
and homecoming to God in one's existential wholeness. Similarly,
the Agikuyu believed that after undergoing a purification ceremony,
the entire individual was cleansed wholly but had to avoid committing
the ~ again. After being cleansed, the individual was free to
fellowship with his fellowmen and to take part in rituals. The individual
would also have communion with Ngai through sacrifice and prayers.
Another role played by the purification ceremonies and
forgiveness is that of reinstating the offender. The sense of guilt
is wiped out as one finds love and security among the members of
the group. The purification ceremonies also placed the offender
at peace with the ancestors. One who abided by the set social norms
was regarded as both morally upright and well-behaved.
According to Christianity one cannot acquire salvation without
repentance and forgiveness. Forgiveness is therefore viewed as a
process of redemption and reconciliation. Forgiveness also plays
the basic role of deliverance and rescue, primarily a rescue from
sin. The work of salvation as presented in the New Testament consists
of rescue, liberation and reconciliation. Hence forgiveness is the
centre of salvation. Forgivenss, therefore, plays that major role
of rescuing, liberating and reconciling the sinner. However, Luther
(1950, 41-60). Luther (1950, 41-60) strongly argues that indulgences
do not remove guilt. He gives a warning to mankind to be aware
of those who say that indulgencies affect reconciliation with God.
Luther also points out that apart from the many offences that man
commits, the very nature of man is corrupt. Luther therefore perceives
that the entire man is in need of forgiveness.
Certain purification ceremonies among the Agikuyu under the
69
title of "kuhorohia", were basically aimed at reconciliation. An..'
example of such a ceremony is the one which was administered to
reconcile two kinsmen after a fight. This ceremony has been discussed
in detail in chapter two. The purification ceremonies also reconciled
the offender with the ancestors and God.
In both the purification ceremonies and forgiveness, the important
idea of freedom and emancipation is emphasised. However, the Agikuyu
purification ceremonies differ w ith the Christian forgiveness because
one is based on thahu and the other on original sin. Concerning the
role _played by the purification ceremonies, the findings are in line
with Durkheim's (1915) conception of purification rites.
3.7 Significance of Taatha
The Agikuyu had various purification ceremonies as discussed
in chapter two of this study. Some were designed for cleansing an
individual while others were general and designed to cleanse an entire
homestead of livestock. In all these purification ceremonies, several
items (ingredients) were used. Of all these, the most commonly used
was taatha, the undigested stomach contents. Alternatively, a sort
of artificial taatha known as ng'ondu was made by pounding the leaves
of certain selected plants into pulp. This alternative taatha was
described by Wakang'u (0.1. 12th January 1987).
The significance of taatha in the purification ceremonies needs
clarification. The reason for the wide use of these undigested stomach
contents particularly those of a ram, ewe and in some instances a
small immature he-goat is to be found in the Agikuyu conception
of plants especially the food plants for sheep and goats. The Agikuyu
divided all plants into two major categories one consisting of the
peaceful plants (mitd=rnihorol which included grasses and all none
70
poisonous plants with soft leaves and no thorns which made the food
for sheep.
The second category were hot plants (miti mihiu kana miruru)
which included plants with hard leaves and thorns as well as the
poisonous and bitter ones. The stomach contents of mature he-goats
and adult female-goats contained the leaves of all the thorny, bitter
and poisonous plants which were used in ceremonies like swearing,
cursing and taking oaths. Hence, the stomach contents of he-goats
and adult female goats were never used at all for any purification
ceremonies except occasionally in making certain magic powders.
The young immature goats of either sex, particularly when
they were still too young to go out to graze ate only sweet potato
vines and other soft leaves picked for them as fodder. The stomach
contents of these young goats were used in emergency purification
ceremonies for they ate the peaceful plants. Apart from sheep and
goats, the Agikuyu also used the stomach contents of the tree hyrax
which they believed lived exclusively on good plants.
As a concluding remark on thahu and sin, the researcher notes
that in both thahu and sin, separation and alienation are experienced
and disobedience underlined. Thahu seems to emphasize the offences
against fellow human beings while sin emphasizes the offences against
both God and fellow human beings. Whereas thahu is cleansed by
purification ceremonies, sin is cleansed through repentance and
forgivenss. In both thahu and sin the offenders initiative to seek
purification is emphasized.
71
CHAPTER FOUR
VIEWS ON SIN AND THAHU IN OUR CONTEMPORARY
KENY AN SOCIETY
This chapter highlights the views held by members of our
contemporary Kenyan society concerning sin and~. The chapter
attempts to find out whether the belief in the two concepts has any
impact on social life today. These views were expressed by the youth,
clergymen, lay-leaders and other members of the general public.
The chapter further looks into how much thahu and sin are viewed
as the major causes of communal disasters, both in the Agikuyu
traditional society and in our contemporary Kenyan society. The
disasters dealt with include drought, sickness and epidemics at the
personal and communal levels. The chapter attempts to find out
who holds the responsibility for providing the youth with moral
education in contemporary society.
4.1 How Sin is viewed in Contemporary Kenyan Society
Some authors have given their definitions of sin in the
contemporary aspect. As expressed by Rahner (I961) traditionally,
sin implies guilt, answerability and by derivation, responsibility. Today,
some form of behaviour still deserve the word sin. Hating one's brother,
dishonouring one's parents, envying one's neighbour could be categorized
as common sins today. Sin therefore remains in the sense of alienating
oneself from God and from-the rest of humanity.
Rahner (1961) further asserts that in Christian theology, sin
has been conceived in three complimentary ways as rebellion,
enstrangement or isolation and as error in performance. To elaborate
72
more on this, here is an example of a man who steals his neighbour's
shirt. He offends God by acting contrary to His commandment. The
offender is enstranged by that action from his fellow men, since no
one wants to be associated with a thief and his guilt conscience
enstranges him all the more.
As clearly stated by McCool, (1965, 39);
"In early Judaism, sin was synonymous to breaking the law,
not the state's law but God's law. Particular forms of sin-crime
were named in the Ten Commandments, in the book of Leviticus
and the Talmud. In later years, the Catholic church canon law
took over many of the Hebrew and Roman Law Sanctions".
But as time went by the Ten Commandments were less practised
for being undemocratic or inappropriate for political use. Hence
the civil law assumed the responsibility for identifying and dealing
with many offences which had at one time been considered as sins.
On the other hand, Menninger (1973, 3) defines sin as moral behaviour
that violates the moral code or the individual conscience or both.
Behaviour which pains or harms or destroys my neighbour or me.
The researcher feels that this definition suits our contemporary Kenyan
society to a certain extent because offences against one's neighbour
are hardly considered as sin. Some behaviour, once regarded as sinful
has certainly disappeared. Adultery for example is technically a
sin but for_most people it is certainly not a crime.
A broader definition of sin, one which meets the needs of both
believers and non-believers, is seen to be necessary. As stated by
Hairing (1967, 340) Sin is transgression of the moral Iaw of God,
disobedience to the divine will and moral failure. Sin is failure to
realize in conduct and character the moral ideal at least as fully
73
as possible under existing circumstances, failure to do as one ought
to towards one's fellow human beings.
According to this definition, the wrongness of the sinful act lies more
in it's non-conformity, its departure from the accepted appropriate
way of behaviour, but in an implicitly aggressive quality. That breaking
away from God and from the rest of the humanity. A partial alienation
or an act of rebellion.
A number of scholars whose works have been reviewed in the
first chapter of this study express views on sin in contemporary society.
The study analytically explains and interprates some of those views.
Two major views which are dealt with here are; that sin has been
wiped out completely and forgotten; and that sin has been replaced
by crime and hence a new monitor.
As expressed by Rahner (1970, 87) Christian preaching has
encountered a self-understanding of man in which sin has been taken
for' granted. Sin seems to have no place in modern thought. Rahner
further points out that the optimism of the nineteenth century which
saw industrial and social progress mainly as an experience of the
human condition and human failure has become a sort of obsession
in philosophy and above all in the novel, the theatre and the cinema.
Rahner concludes by remarking that mankind reacts with some
justification against the notion of sin which in earlier generations
was defined as deliberate transgression of the law of God. although
our Kenyan contemporary society has not gone to such an extreme,
the word sin is not readily used, and when it is used, its moral
implication is hardly taken seriously.
Menninger (1973, 1-10) emphasizes on the moral decline of
our times. Human beings continue to prosper and to develop
74
economically and technologically but not mor-ally, Menninger further
asserts that the disappearance of the word sin is being replaced by
crime. However, he strongly argues that though the word sin is avoided,
most people today suffer from a guilt conscience. They are guilty
of the offences they commit against their neighbours let alone against
God. Therefore, Menninger (1973, 2) asserts that many centuries
have now passed since the Hebrew prophets preached about the
importance of a moral code. They preached and warned and exhorted
and died. Human beings have now become more numerous but scarcely
more moral. Men and women are busy coming and going, getting
and begetting, fighting and defending, creating and destroying and
. not a thought about their moral uprightness.
In our contemporary Kenyan society people continue to feel guilty
due to those offences they commit against one another. The general
attitude seems to be that of so what if it hurts my neighbour? As
long as one is not caught or accused of a crime, life seems to continue
smoothly.
Haring (1974: 29) warns that a man who does not consider God
worthy of being recognized or adored inevitably chooses chaos of
values. Such a man's whole life and personal relationships are disturbed
by this fundamental alienation. It seems like men today are content
with gross error, they live in constant warfare of ignorance and call
this monstrous evil, peace. They perform ritual murders of children,
and secret ceremonies and frenzied orgies of unnatural cults, the
purity of life and marriage is abandoned and a man treacherously
murders his neighbour. All seems to be in chaos. The nemesis of
sin always pursues the transgressions of the wicked.
Maina (0.1. 10th February 1987) clearly remarks,
75
"Many people today believe that the thoughts we constantly
keep in our minds determine what we become or what we
achieve."
This is practically why everyone who is successful does not allow
negative thoughts to keep wandering in their minds. To elaborate
further on this point, most of the members of our society who carry
out their daily duties without malice, cunningness and are morally
upright seem to have better chances of enjoying lasting success A
similar view is expressed by Kiekegaard (1957).
Kiongo (0.1. 8th February 1987) further pointed out on the same
issue that the negative thoughts that hinder our progress include
much of what goes against the Ten commandments. Do not steal,
do not kill are some of the Ten Commandments, which generally
make what we call moral law.
As clearly remarked by Mambo (0.1. 28th January 1987) the
word sin seems to be disappearing. It was once a strong word, an
omnious and serious word. The word was used to describe a central
point in every morally-aware human being's lifespan and lifestyle.
The respondent further noted that in our contemporary Kenyan society
instead of the word sin, words like evil, disgraceful corrupt, prejudicial
and harm ful are readily used. The researcher holds the opinion that
this is an exaggerated view on the contemporary Kenyan society.
People still use the word sin but they hardly take it's implication
and consequences seriously.
Nsope (0.1. 10th February 1987 asserts that our conscience
always tells us what is wrong. According to this respondent,
"When a man acts against his conscience, he revolts against
God and His plan for him - this is sin".
76
Hence there is a voice of conscience In each one of us, it is possible
for the conscience to be wrong or to formulate evil and sinful thought.
Our conscience is not always right and hence cannot be a measure
of goodness.
Meade (0.1. 26th January 1987) pointed out that in our
contemporary society moral transgressions have been split into the
sinful to which the clergy, mediate, adjure and assess penances, and
criminal for which the policeman the judge and the jailer are
responsible. It can be noted here that the major difference between
sin and crime is the professional management each of them receives.
Both sin and crime involve a transgression and rebellion as well as
violation of a prohibition. It is not possible to exhaust all the factors
that caused the transformation of sins into crimes. Each year, new
laws are passed and thus new crime possibilities created.
It has become a modern custom to legislate morally and to
coerce virtue by law. The law took over only the great destructive
sins. Crimes can also be viewed as sins. Though they have different
monitors, one who commits a crime by violating the law, simultaneously
rebells against God by acting against God's law.
The researcher holds the opinion that most of the respondents
seemed to view sins as crimes. Whenever they do wrong, they fear
being convicted in a law court more than the fact that it is a sin.
Crimes here refer to the infractions of the laws of the state. Hence
the responsibility for dealing with sin seems to be passing on from
.the church to the state. Therefore for most people sin seems to have
acquired a new monitor and a new name.
Durbarle (1967) also notes that some behaviour, once regarded
as sinful has certainly disappeared. Adultery for example is technically
77
a sin but for most people it is certainly not a crime. Another example
is that moral law says that one should obey and honour one's parents.
But if one does not it is very unlikely that the courts would do anything
about it. However, one's conscience would be troubled all the same.
This shows some decline in tradition as a means of social control.
It should be noted here that criminal wrongs may also be moral
but many of them cannot be acted upon in court. But even when
it is not punishable by law, moral wrongs trouble one's conscience.
Here is an example to elaborate further on this point. A group of
thugs collectively plan to take part in robbery with violance and in
the course of the robbery they murder the victim of the attack. One
member of the gang is arrested, taken to court and charged. The
proceedings continue and the man is finally convicted to hang but
he still withholds the names of other members of his gang. So they
remain free men. They cannot be charged due to lack of evidence
and yet they took part in the murder.
According to Menninger (1973, 130) sin is also viewed as collective
responsibility. War is a great prototypical example of group sin.
It is a massive violation of all ethics and all laws, a proposive and
sanctioned campaign of destructiveness. Menninger (1973: 130)
expresses that every gun that is made, every warship that is launched
signifies a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who
are cold and are not clothed. There are many people in our
agriculturally productive country who go to bed hungry. People whose
lives are meagre and miserable. Disease and starvation are good
examples of collective sin in our contemporary society.
Disrespect for God, for parents, for seniority and for authority
are a frequent part of revolution by the present young generation.
78
Socrates noted this as cited by Menninger (1973: 134) that our youth
today love luxury they have bad manners, contempt for authority,
disrespect for older people. Children nowadays are tyrants. They
contradict their parents, gobble their food and tyrannize their teachers.
This view could as well apply to our contemporary Kenyan society
whereby the youth have become so carefree and have set their own
ideals. It should be noted here that sin is not only against rules but
mostly against people. It is the aggression (againstednessl that
constitutes the designation, sin. According to some theologians pride
is yet another common sin today. A virtue under certain circumstances,
pride is considered by theologians as the basic form of sin. Synonyms
for pride are vanity, egocentricity, arrogance, self-adoration,
selfishness and self-love. All these are subject to contemporary
condemnation. Maybe nobody calls them crimes yet but they are
disliked. They all have an unpleasing quality which is striking contrast
to that meaning of pride which makes it a brave and admirable virtue.
The sin of pride according to Augustine (1958). most likely has its
roots in the Adam - old ambition to be identified with or to become
God.
Russel (1969, 11) expresses a similar argument concerning man's
desire to be like God; every man would like to be God if it were
possible, some few find it difficult to admit the impossibility.
The sin of pride appears most conspicuously in a group pride in the
form of ethnocentricity and racialism. This is where a certain group
of people discriminate against others just because they are not born
as members of their race or ethnic group.
Hairing argues that in the Bible the main decision of salvation
is the choice between a saving solidarity in Christ and a destructive
79
solidarity In sin. The social aspect of sin IS recognized. An
individualistic developed in past centuries was actually conditioned.
Those in authority whether civil or ecclesiastic always spoke "in the
name of God" and therefore the ordinary citizens were allowed no
real interest or responsibility in the social, religious or political realms.
Today human beings experience their dependence on one another
and realize that we can save our world only by peaceful co-existence,
dialogue and co-operation, biblical and liturgical renewal draws our
attention much more to the Christian's responsibility towards his
neighbour his community and indeed towards the whole creation.
4.2 Contemporary Beliefs in Thahu
Most members of the contemporary society seem to be sitting
on the fence as concerns the way they perceive thahu and its
consequences. Though the majority have embraced Christianity,
deep down in their hearts, they have a thought on the concept of
thahu. They may not necessarily observe the prohibitions but certain
causes of ~ like the dying curse are still held with fear.
According to Nyawira (0.1. 16th January, 1987) a few of the
youth today hold the opinion that thahu has almost been replaced
by sin. Yet among the youth there are some who have no awareness
whatsoever about the existence of either thahu or sin. To them there
is only crime which is dealt with by the Police and the law but not
the Church. It should, however, be noted that majority of the members
of contemporary society believe in the dying curse. Even those who
have acquired formal education and are christians work day and night
to meet the demands of a dying elderly parent or relative to avoid
being cursed. The dying curse is looked upon with fear and it is seen
as having a destructive effect, to those who act contrary to it.
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The few surviving elders hold the view that the present generation
has no consideration for thahu as a moral value. Mugweru, (0.1. 15th
January 1987) pointed out that the present generation contravene
taboos, have no respect for parents and the aged. The respondent
identified the influence of modernity as being the major cause of
the moral decline. He further argued that today's generation lack
love and brotherhood as portrayed in their endless endeavours to
acquire as much wealth as possible not caring about others. The
respondent further pointed out that due to this hunger for wealth,
brothers rise against one another in quarrels in land issues and
distribution of their parents' property.
Njaga (0.1. 18th January 1987) emphatically pointed out that
in his opinion, the most grave thahu committed by today's generation
is negligence of aged parents. Little or no attention is paid by working
sons and daughters towards a sick aged parent. The respondent further
noted,
"When the parent is dead, his children assemble to dress up
the corpse In an expensive suit, a watch and shoes so that the
body may be admired by friends who will attend the widely
- announced funeral. Yet the poor parent hardly had enough
to eat when he was alive. Not to mention the sickness which
caused his death and which most likely his children had
overlooked. "
The respondent asserted that in such an expensive funeral, the children
of the deceased's main aim is to show off their wealth and to make
the world believe that they had a lot of concern for the parent during
his lifetime. In this elder's view, even if the parent in the above
cited case was a rich man and received all the necessary attention
81
from his sons and daughters, such an extravagant funeral would stil
be a show-off. Instead it should be made moderate and the rest of
the money donated to homes for destitute children and the aged,
or to the poor people.
Mambo (0.1. 28th January 1987) pointed out that the present
generation overlooks the taboos and all the prohibitions. In their
carefree attitudes, they break the Ten Commandments daily. In
his view, he portrayed a moral decline and an increase in sins. He
described the present generation as being "lukewarm" meaning that
they do not follow traditional beliefs since most of them have been
converted into Christianity and yet they do not observe the
Commandments which are the backbone of Christian beliefs. In most
cases, the young people are not made aware of the traditions. Some
parents are too busy to have time with their children. In such cases,
the children lack guidance and hence continue aimlessly in the world's
jig-saw puzzle. Today's youth are exposed to many things at a go.
Therefore they need counselling on what to adopt and when.
4.3 Thahu and sin viewed as causes of communal disasters and their
remedies.
In Agikuyu traditional society, the failure to have rain at the
expected time was interpreted with awe and fear. The prolonged
drought caused anxiety among the people. They anticipated that
probably their behaviour, disobedience or mathahu had annoyed Ngai
who in turn had decided to punish them through drought. As remarked
by Wakang'u (0.1. 16th January 1987), at such a time of drought, the
Agikuyu congregated and re-enacted their relationship to Ngai through
sacrifice and prayers appealing for help. As the drought prolonged,
the elders met and consulted the seers who would in turn give any
82
messages or instructions which they had received from Ngai as
.'
explanations to the causes of the drought. If the messages implied
in any way that Ngai was displeased with the people for various reasons,
the elders and seers then resolved to make a sacrifice to appease
Ngai.
The first step in preparation for the sacrifice was to select
a one coloured lamb with neither a spot nor a blemish. It's origin
was also investigated to ensure its purity. The second step in the
preaprations was to select the elders who would lead the congregation
in offering the sacrifice. The elders were selected from the fourth
grade group of elders otherwise known as the religious sacrificial
council. If women were to be permitted, they had to be those past
the child-bearing age. The third group of participants were two
children, a boy and a girl below eight years of age. The elders then
proceeded to choose a suitable place for offering the sacrifice under
one of the sacred trees.
A public proclamation was then made announcing the day of
the ritual ceremony. Five days before the appointed day of sacrifice,
and two days after the sacrifice, the Agikuyu took various precautions
in order to make the day a peaceful one. No stranger would be allowed
to come in or to depart from the community within those seven days.
The Agikuyu as well avoided making long journeys especially those
that involved crossing a river within the seven days.
On the appointed day of sacrifice, the congregation beseeched
God and offered him the blood and fat of the lamb, honey-beer and
milk. In addition to the sacrificial gifts, the congregation as well
uttered prayers to Ngai praising Him and at the same time expressing
their requests. The prayers were uttered while the congregation
83
stood at the base of the sacred tree facing towards Kirinyaga (Mt.
Kenya).
In our contemporary society, though drought is not necessarily
viewed as being a punishment for the peoples' sins, it is not unusual
to find Christians congregating in their Churches to pray for rain.
Though there are no special prayers written down to be recited when
praying for rain, there is a wide range of prayers catering for the
needs of the faithful and one such need is rain. In the Catholic Church
and the C.P.K. church for example, where the researcher attended
services, after the recited prayers, a chance is given for the believers
to pray for their needs and their good intentions.
Occasionally, when the drought continues for a long period,
it is common to find Christians gathering to hold inter-denominational
prayers for rain. Such gatherings were a common phenomenon in
1984 when Kenya experienced a drought.
Njaga (0.1. 20th January 1987) noted that the Agikuyu often
interpreted sickness as an outward sign of thahu, Hence if one fell
sick and after being given the known herbs did not improve, his relatives
would consult a diviner-doctor to find out the cause of his prolonged
illness. The Agikuyu also had a belief that illness is brought to the
people by some kind of evil spirits particularly when the illness came
in the form of an epidemic affecting a whole community.
After an outbreak of an epidemic or illness, the cause of which
people could not clearly understand nor find any effective remedies
on their wide range of herbal treatments, the elders of various grades
met to consult seers and diviners to find out how they could relieve
the people from their suffering. If the consultation reported that
medical aid had failed, then physical force had to be applied against
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the enemy.
As elaborated by Wakang'u (0.1. 12th January 1987), the elders
decided that the only way to get rid of such a malady was to prepare
a real fight with the evil spirits which had so unkindly brought suffering
upon the community. The underlying belief was that if the evil spirits
were defeated in the battle not only would they run away and take
with them the illness but also they would be frightened and it would
be unlikely that they would in future dare to cause misery to the
people.
The respondent noted that evening was considered to be the
best time to wage the war against the evil spirits. On the appointed
evening, war horns were sounded from the various centres to signal
the start of the battle against the malicious spirits. On hearing the
war horns, the people came out of their homesteads armed with sticks,
clubs and other weapons. The elders, however, cautioned the people
to use. only blunt weapons not to use spears, swords or knives for
fear that if the spiritis' blood was shed on the land, it's uncleanness
would cause great calamity to the community.
The war horns were sounded once more to signal the people
to start beating their sticks together in the rythmn characteristic
of this ritual and at the same time shouting and screaming furiously
as they moved slowly towards the river. On the way they beat shrubs
along the side of the paths and examined the shrubs carefully to ensure
that no malicious spirit was left behind hiding in the shrubs. Later,
all the people assembled by the river-side to throw their sticks and
clubs into the river. As they did so, they shouted victoriously and
contemptiously saying, Evil spirits and your illness, we have crashed
you. We now sink you into the river. Let the water drive you far
85
away from us, You will go for .ever and never to c,ome again.
The throwing of sticks and clubs into the river symbolized the
throwing away of the evil spirits and the epidemic.
In our contemporary society, the outbreak of such an epidemic
resorts to medical research. The victims would get emergency medical
attention. The infected area would be quarantined immediately to
prevent the spread of the disease to other areas. Due to the changes
brought about by modernity, an outbreak of a disease cannot be
interprated as being caused by peoples' sins. However, believers
would still include the epidemic in the list of their communal needs
during prayers. The same case applies to personal illness, though
it is not attributed to sin as its major cause believers still dedicate
their prayers to the sick and they request God to grant them good
health.
4.4 Parents and Teachers as moral Leaders Today
The family, which constitutes the basic school, plays a major
role in providing the youth with moral education. In most cases the
parents set the basic goals for their children before sending them to
school. The parents also influence the children's way of life like in
cases where the parents take the children to church and have them
baptized. Most christian families set trends whereby prayers play
an important role in their lives. The children in such families are
likely to adopt such ways of life though it does not always follow.
In some cases the children may turn out to be the opposite of what
the parents are.
The most profound moral instructions that children receive comes
from the parents. It is at home that the child is first made to distinguish
86
between right and wrong. Some children go to the extent of having
their parents as their ideal people due to proper upbringing. These
views were expressed by Kuria, (0.1. 23rd January 1987), a lay-leader
in the C.P.K. Church.
In addition, the parents choose when and where to take their
child to school, whom the child interacts with and the virtues for the
child to achieve. All these factors form a foundation to the making
of a morally upright child. In cases where the parents take their children
to Church, the children have another chance of receiving moral guidance.
The behaviour that a child picks from home is bound in most cases
to stick throughout a lifetime. Apart from the parents, a child's peers
also playa role in a child's character formation.
Karanja, (0.1. 3rd February 1987) pointed out that teachers have
for a long time carried the responsibility of instructing the youth,
not only in how things are but also in how things ought to be. Hence
teachers need commendation and encouragement for providing moral
instruction to children particularly those who receive none at home.
But instead of approval in most cases the teachers only get reproach
and neglect from society.
The teachers' dedication and idealism carry them through but
sometimes they get very discouraged. Karanja further noted that
sometimes teachers feel very much alone in trying to stern tides and
divert currents. Occasionally the sense of isolation and conviction
of failure become overwhelming.
Njoroge, (0.1. 21st January 1987), a lay-reader in the C.P.K.
church also had the opinion that teachers are one of the best moral
instrument left sound today. He expressed the view that teachers
are essential in the faculty of morality as gap-closers. The teacher
87
becomes the ideal, the model person for many children whose parents
fail to inspire them or cancel their positive influence by lack of
attention, harshness, or outright neglect and rejection.
Teachers are well aware of the powerful determinants of character
and ideals which they supply for the pupils particularly at the primary
level, the most formative years of the child's life. But with each year
the influence of the teacher diminishes as more experience, more
acquitance, more self-confidence and more peer-awareness develop.
Loukes (1973) ascertains that a few teachers, however, choose to
dishonour their professional ethics and instead of leading, they mislead
the students. This is can be seen in cases where for example, a male
teacher has an affair with a girl student or a female teacher with
a boy-student. Such cases are a disgrace to the teaching profession
and to society. The victims usually ignore their professional ethics.
Instead of leading, guiding and counselling, such teachers end up
misleading their students.
As clearly expressed by Nyawira (0.1. 30th January 1987).
"Fluctuations in the authority and popularity of the church have
tended to let the brightest torch of moral leadership pass to
the press, the radio and the television. Most of the young people
today take their moral stance and guidance from articles, reports
and editorials rather than from sermons."
The views of the above cited respondent, a youth representative seems
to paint an extreme picture to which our contemporary society does
not fit well. The church is still popular among the youth and though
they may pretend, deep within themselves, most of them believe in
and fear God, Even those who do not go to Church, in their private
lives and particularly at a time of crisis, they turn to God through
88'
individual prayers, on the other hand, the respondent's view is authentic
since moral guidance is not expected to come from sermons only. People
should learn to benefit from all available media.
Most clergymen expressed the opinion that people today prefer
more practical methods of solving their problems. The methods include
psychotherapies, diets, sensitivity groups and encounter groups. To
elaborate further on this point, Wachege (0.1. 25th January 1987) pointed
out as an example that most couples find it difficult to adopt to the
naturally family planning method advocated by the Catholic Church,
simply because they want quick solutions. Instead of the cumbersome
method of reading and keeping charts, and taking temperatures,
contraception offers a quick solution. Wachege further asserted that
it has been established that some individuals who suffer from stress
depression, phobia, and anxiety cag be relieved by being listened to
with interpretations, counsel and reassurance. In such cases then,
the quick solutions are not applicable. The respondent in a concluding
manner said, remarked that there are no psychiatrists or
pyschotherapists who have the quantitative opportunity to cure souls
and mend minds which the preacher enjoys. The preacher also has
a superb opportunity to do what a few psychiatrists can to prevent
the development of chronic anxiety and depression.
Whether we go for the faster solutions or the gradual ones, there are
almost daily reminders of our sins and the impending consequences
made probable by them. Every day, there is the repeated message
that a little cheating, stealing and bribing might as well be over-looked
since, "it's being done everywhere", Yet, how is it as Socrates once
wondered that men know what is good but keep on doing what is bad!!
Today, the church is seen only as a means of providing a suitable
89
environment but it is upon the individual to work out his/her ultimate
salvation. The church seems to have loosened its attempts to enforce
moral purity and instead emphasize more on personal responsibility
of each adherent. The church is generally making attempts towards
a liturgical revival seen in actions such as drumming, active participation
of all the faithful, traditional tunes and the wide range of prayers.
Pastoral phychology for catechists and renewed emphasis on social
action are geared towards such a revival.
Looking at the role of the clergy in moral responsibility today,
Kiongo (0.1. 22nd January 1987) noted that a major role of the clergy
is to give their adherents reassurance about the existence of God,
His mercifulness, His grace, His goodness, His expectations of mankind
to forgive and to love, His sure forgiveness of repented sin and the
assurance of life everlasting.
Every week, believers listen to their shephards, men whom they regard
as experts in the knowledge of right and wrong in daily life. Without
such guidance most people would lack guidance of right and wrong.
However, the effectiveness and the practicability of some shepherds'
messages is debatable.
Nderito, (0.1. 29th January, 1987) asserted that the clergy's role
as moral leaders involves administering the sacraments, calling sinners
to turn to God in repentance and calling people towards a righteous
living as they await eternal life. In addition, the clergy also undertakes
guidance and counselling roles.
Nderito (0.1. 29th January, 1987) further points out that the
state of division and spiritual disruption as it were, which is in the
lot of humanity today is an evil for which all humanity is responsible.
This evil has deep roots and unforseeable repurcussions which was
already in Isaiah's lament in the old Testament (Isaiah 1:4, 21-23).
90
CHAPTER FIVE
5:1 CONCLUSION
One of the major findings of the present study is that thahu,
mugiro and kirumi are related in terms of their causes and effects
but the three terms are not synonymous. This study has ascertained
that contrary to the writings of scholars like Hobley (1967) thahu
cannot be equated with mugiro and kirumi, Instead evidence has
shown that one's actions against a prohibition, whether the prohibition
is amugiro or kirumi, the act renders the doer into a thahu condition.
Thahu therefore, is the consequence of an act performed in
contravention of a mugiro or kirumi. The evidence further shows
that once in the thahu condition, the victim becomes ritually and
morally impure.
The study has sought to determine the significance of thahu
and mugiro in upholding morals among the Agikuyu. In order to achieve
this objective, the functions of mugiro as a basis for morality among.
the Agikuyu have been analysed. It has been emphasized that mugiro
(the prohibitions) clearly showed every Mugikuyu the correct path
to follow by marking out the pitfalls. Mugiro provided the people
with clear explanations for any misfortunes encountered and enhanced
a sense of relief in knowing the source of the trouble. The study
further points out that mugiro gradually enabled the Agikuyu to mould
a system of moral code. It has also been emphasized in this study
that the Agikuyu had a code of law based on general principles. The
findings that the Agikuyu greatly obeyed the injuction not to steal
and that the Agikuyu were particularly honest people express the
profound sense of morality which the Agikuyu had. Thahu was a major
91
means of controlling crime, jails and bribes being unknown. Thahu
regulated behaviour in that people avoided contacting it by observing
the prohibitions.
It has further been emphasized that the manner in which the
prohibitions whose violation caused thahu were formulated was contrary
to claims made by certain western scholars like Hobley (1967) that
the diviner-doctors were more interested in the material gains they
got for performing the purification ceremonies administered to cleanse
the victims of thahu than the society's well being. The evidence
available in this study shows that the prohibitions were agreed upon
through consensus by the council elders who casted votes concerning
. the things not to be done. The set norms were later passed down
orally from generation to generation. Hence the diviner-doctors
played no role whatsoever in the formulation of these prohibitions.
Further, the fact that most. cases of thahu could be cleansed
by the purification ceremonies did not make the Agikuyu relax their
morals. This is mainly because the Agikuyu avoided contact with
the impurity and alienation brought about by~. They as well
restrained from rebelling against God.
Comparisons drawn between sin and thahu show clearly that
the major similarity between the two concepts is seen in the separation
effect and alienation caused by sin and thahu to the offenders. The
evidence further proves that certain events, actions and objects
.regarded as unclean by the Israelites as stated in the book of Leviticus
were also regarded as unclean by the Agikuyu.
The major role played by the purification ceremonies is to
incorporate the individual back into the group and in this way
reinstating the individual and providing him with emotional support.
92
This significant role is also expressed in the christian concept of
forgiveness.
The study has finally sought to compare cases of thahu and
sin viewed as the major causes of communal disasters in Agikuyu
traditional society and its application today.
The major findings of this study as explained in the preceding
pages can be summarized into the foflowing statements; that it is
faulty to equate thahu with mugiro and kirumi or to regard the three
terms as synonymous. Secondly, thahu and mugiro acted as the basis
for morality among the Agikuyu.
Thirdly, in both sin and thahu the elements of disorder and
disintegration are introduced and separation is emphasized. The
major contributions of this study to scholarly research is that it
provides an analysis of the nature and significance of thahu and sin
both in the Agikuyu traditional and contemporary society. It goes
on to provide a rich resource of the theological view of various Agikuyu
religious beliefs which are now faced with the danger of extinction.
This study is hoped to have increased our understanding of some of
the major principles that governed Agikuyu morality, and helped
to enhance social harmony.
5.2 Contribution
The major contribution of this study to scholarly research is
that it provides an analysis of the nature and significance of thahu
and sin which the Agikuyu traditional and contemporary society.
The study further provides a rich resource of the theological view
of various Agikuyu religious beliefs which are now faced with danger
of extinction. This study is hoped to have increased our understanding
93
of some of the major principles that governed .t}gikuyu morality and
helped to enhance social harmony.
5.3 Future prospectus
The study raised some questions which require further research
such as the responsibility for children's moral education today and
the possibility of merging certain adaptable traditional aspects of
worship with christian aspects. A follow-up research is therefore
recommended to compare with other ethnic groups and other religious
groups' conception as well.
94
List of Respondents
Chege, David; Gakambura, Kikuyu, 5th December 1986
Chege, Nelson; Banana-Hill, Kiambaa, l7th December 1986
Gatoro, Kanyi; Munyu, Juja, 6th January 1987.
Gathaci, Njigua; Ndeiya, Limuru, 4th December 1986.
Karanja, Anthony, Fr.; Gatitu, Gatundu, 20th January 1987.
Karanja, Edith; St. Francis Girls, Mang'u, Gatundu, 5th February
1987.
Karanja, Karura; Gitura, Gatanga; 7th December 1986.
Karanja, Thiong'o, Kiganjo, Nyeri, 10th December 1986.
Karauni, Thiga; Wangige, Kikuyu, l7th January 1987.
Kiongo, David, Fr.; Limuru Parish, Limuru, 22nd January 1987.
Kuria, John; Kanjai, Githunguri; 23rd January 1987
Lumbasi, Patrick; Kanunga High School, Kiambu, 8th February 1987.
Machara, Kahindi; Githiga, Githunguri, 12th January 1987.
Maingi, Mathina; Karuri High School, Kiambaa, 6th February 1987.
Maina, John; Thika town, 10th February 1987
Mambo, Peter, Rev.; C.P.K., Kiambu town, 28th January 1987.
Meade, James Fr.; Mang'u, Gatundu, 26th January 1987.
Muthoni, Mary Wainaina; Kabuku, Limuru, 6th December 1986.
Muthoni, Zipporah, Kanyenyaini, Murang'a, 11th December 1986.
Mwakio, Patience; Kenyatta University, 1st February 1987.
Nduati, Mwangi; Kaariua, Kandara, 3rd February 1987.
Nderitu, James, Rev.; Githirioni, Lari, 29th January 1987.
Njaga, Karanja; Tigoni, Limuru, 18th January 1987.
Njeri, Chege; Gatuanyaga, Juja, 10th January 1987
Njeri, Kamau; Njiku-Muthurwa, Kiambaa, 23rd December 1986
95
Njeri, Gladys Kariuki; Ndumberi, Kiambaa, 9th January 1987.
Njeri, Veronica Kinyanjui, Red Hill, Limuru, 10th January, 1987.
Njoki, Thugi Kimende, Lari, 11th January 1987.
Njoroge, David Rev.; C.P.K., Karuri, Kiambaa, 21st January 1987.
Njoroge, Kahungura; Ichaweri, Gatundu, 8th January 1987.
Nyawira, Gladys; Kenyatta University, 30th January 1987.
Otieno, Jane; Kenyatta University, 2nd February 1987.
Ruhwa, Samuel; Undiri, Kikuyu, 21st December 1986.
Rugiri, Munyua; Kiambaa, Lari, 16th January 1987.
Wachege, Patrick, Fr.; Kagwe, Githunguri, 25th January 1987.
Wachuka, Rosemary; Kenyatta University, 1st February 1987.
Wahu, Maria; Gatanga, Murang'a, 14th February 1987.
Wakang'u, Albert; Mang'u, Gatundu, 12th January 1987.
Wangari, Irene; St. Francis Girls High School, Mangu, Gatundu, 12th
January 1987.
Wangechi, Wachanga, Kigumo, Muranga, 6th January 1987.
Wanjiku, Karengeti, Gitithia, Limuru, 4th February 1987.
Wanjiku, Wainaina; Karia, Githunguri, 10th January 1987.
Warutere, Kiama; Othaya, Nyeri. 13th January 1987.
Warutere, Kingori, Karatina, Nyeri, 15th January, 1987.
Wawire, Rose; Nairobi Town, 12th February 1987.
Agikuyu
Coco
Elder:
96
Glossary
refers to the ethnic group, the entire Kikuyu people.
A sweet smelling plant whose leaves and stem were used
in purification ceremonies. It's bark was used in the fire-
lighting ceremony in a new hut.
A man or woman who has successfully gone through the
stages of the Agikuyu rites of passage i,e, birth, naming,
initiation and marriage such a persion is usually assumed
to bear a lot of knowledge concerning the Agikuyu customs,
beliefs and practices. In this study the elders were chosen
depending on such knowledge.
Gikuyu: refers to the language used by the Agikuyu people as well
Inagu:
as the region they occupy.
(plural-managu): A weed with little white flowers and,
red berries. used as a herb. It's leaves were used as
vegetables. It's leaves and stems were used in the ndahikio
Ira: A white powder extracted from the ground like clay and
purification ceremony.
salt. Used in various purification ceremonies.
Kanyan;a A herb, a creeping species, with orange flowers and dark
Kirumi:
centres. It's stem was used to tie together bunches of
leaves during ndahikio purification ceremony.
A curse, a ban imposed by an older person to a younger
relative. In most cases the curse becomes effective after
the announcer's death.
97
Mathau: The plural form of thahu (see thahu)-
Mehia: sins plural form of Wihia,
Miano Name used for the container and the contents of the divining
gouard used by the diviner-doctor.
Mucatha: A shrub with bitter tasting leaves and roots. It's leaves
were boiled as a tonic for soup. It's leaves and stem were
used during ndahikio purification ceremonies.
Mucanjamuka A medicinal powder, grounded from the bark of
a sweet-smelling tree by the same name.
Mudngiri: A shrub - has sweet-smelling smoke. Yields a valuable
fibre for making strings and cords. It's leaves and stem
were used as medicinal herbs and in various purification
ceremonies.
Muhoroha: A medicinal herb. It's leaves were used in ndahikio
ceremonies.
Mukeu A tree whose bark was used as strings for tying firewood
and it's leaves were used in making a fly-whisk in various
purification ceremonies.
Mugikuyu: refers to an individual member of the Agikuyu ethnic
group.
Mugiro: is taken to mean a ban or a prohibition, equivalent to taboo.
,
Migiro is the plural form (taboos).
Munduwa rurira: one's blood relative. Mostly a member of one's
extended family.
Muraria: A herb, grows in the forests especially in cold zones. It's
seed pods curl when touched.
Mutei:
98
A woody herb with white flowers. It's leaves and stem
were used as a fly-whisk during various purification
ceremonies.
Muthak-wa A big woody shrub, has flattish heads and purple flowers.
It's stem and leaves were used in various purification
ceremonies.
Ngai: derived from Mugai, one who divides or shares out. Gikuyu
language way of referring to God the parent and creator
of all.
Ndahikiot a ritual purification ceremony used to cleanse various
types of thahu. The 'word literally means to cause to
vomit out thahu.
Ng'ondu
Ngwaro
Thahu:
Uruti
Wihia
A mixture of pounded medicinal herbs used in various
purification ceremonies. It was also used as a substitute
for taatha (stomach contents) whenever a goat was not
available for slaughter.
Raw-hide strips cut in ringlets from a goat's skin, used
in various ceremonies including purification and oathing.
Rukwaro: is the singular form.
The consequences of one's actions against a prohibition.
Thahu renders the victim morally and ritually impure.
A weed with purple flowers whose leaves and stem were
used in various purification ceremonies especially Ndahikio,
is the Gikuyu language way of describing sin, in the christian
context.
99
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IT "-'VATT I RAR~